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Interview with Dr. Khuloud Dajani

Can you please first introduce yourself and tell us how you got to where you are today?

My name is Khuloud. My mother is from Safad1 and my father is from Nablus2 where I spent most of my childhood. I learned a lot there. In my early days, I lived under occupation,3 which raised many questions for me.

I finished school early at the age of sixteen. I studied medicine in Russia until 1982. Afterwards, I practiced medicine for ten years, where I dealt with the public. I realized that human beings generally and doctors specifically, who have to deal with many people, are able to be influential even apart from their clinics and hospitals. I continued my education in the areas of public health, health policy, and administration. I then moved from clinical work to administrative work and finally to academic work. I worked as a professor at Al-Quds University;4 we established colleges such as the health college. Founding Al-Quds University in Jerusalem was a major challenge for the university team, which was headed by Dr. Sari Nusseibeh.5 Within ten years, we have succeeded in building the university of the future state in it’s future capital.6

Lately, and through working in public health, I became totally convinced that peace and a viable means of living are basic to survival. Diseases, such as cholera and malaria are not what threaten human beings. The inability to solve the problems of occupation, oppression, and continuing violence are what threaten our people today. Therefore, I became active in the fields of public diplomacy, public social work and peace making, since peace is essential to the basic life of human beings everywhere and here in particular. It is important for the Palestinians and the Israelis who are living out a tragedy nowadays, be they the occupiers or the people under occupation. Neither reflects the true nature of human beings-- being dominant using weapons or being dominated by weapons. Thus, I had to play a role and be active in peace making; I had to work through the Palestinian institutions and work with the Palestinian people and colleagues. Also, I had to work in cooperation with our enemies, with whom we want to be friends. How can we be friends with our enemies without getting to know them, cooperating with them, understanding and influencing them in order to have a fair peace between the two peoples in the future, for the sake of future generations?

In brief, I am a doctor, an administrator, and a professor; I am active in the realm of peace. I studied medicine, and I have a Masters degree in health administration and specialize in public health. Now I am obtaining my PhD in health policy in Bir El-Sabe’ University.7 Recently, I have won several prizes that I am proud of because they affirm the [existence of the] Palestinian state and the [status of the] Palestinian woman. Last year, in 2004, I won the Mohammed Bin Rashed Al-Maktoum award8 as the exceptional Arab woman in administration. This year the American Bibliography Institute nominated me one of the Great Women of the 21st Century and the Women of the Year 2005. I am proud of the prizes I have won and I feel appreciated for the things I have achieved. A person who works with people, society and with marginalized and weakened people out of principle may have great influence and thus garner deep appreciation. It does not have to be financial, at least it is a spiritual appreciation, which makes the person proud of his or her origin, name, and country and motivates him or her to work harder.

I am married to Dr. Munther Dajani, a professor in political science. We have three children. Dina, my youngest daughter at fourteen years old, is in the ninth grade. Dina took initiative to get involved; together with a group of young Israelis, she formed a group and named it “Children for Peace”.

Isn't that the same as “Kids4Peace”?

No, Kids4Peace9 is different from Children for Peace. They formed a group by themselves and met on Thursdays. Sometimes, their parents would meet too; or they would speak on the phone. Unfortunately, the group did not continue for long but they did have support from people. They met with individuals, for example, Yossi Beilin10 and Dr. Sari. They met with people and informed them that they needed a better future; they wanted them to work for peace because they did not wish to fight each other. Rather, they wished to live together.

How were they able to find those figures and contact them?

I forgot the Israeli children’s names, but there were four children from schools in Jerusalem who met with a person and told him that they wanted to meet with Palestinian children. They contacted us, and at the time, we had children working with us in the peace campaign, where they used to attend meetings. So we arranged a meeting for the children, and they started to meet on Thursdays and go on trips together. They would engage in discussion with each other; sometimes they would talk about politics and at other times they would play games. Usually they would speak in English. There is someone who made a film about them called “Children for Peace”, but I have not seen it yet.

What fields do you work in and what are the peace related activities you are involved with?

I work in different areas. I attend any event to which I am invited where there is a chance to talk about peace; I participate in an active and effective way. I work for the children because I believe that one should work for youth; children are the future generation and they are the group for whom we should work in various fields. Working for peace not only pertains to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; we work for peace as part of cultural education or social education. Our society is reacting to the oppression, the suffering, the economic and social crises and the current problems. Psychologically, human beings unconsciously act as defenders. The lack of peaceful upbringing affects children’s daily behavior and their emotional and philosophical upbringing. Twenty or forty years earlier, we were brought up in our societies and homes differently than nowadays. This is because circumstances have changed; circumstances in the street, within families and within society are different. Therefore, raising awareness about peace education is crucial. A culture of peace has to be practiced and lived daily, and to be embraced through behavior and speech. It is what all social ideologies in the entire world call for. So it is good to bring children up according to this philosophy. Therefore, I attended all peace activities for “Children for Peace.” I visit schools and give lectures to Palestinian school children.

Did you work with Israeli and Palestinian children or did you focus more on Palestinian children?

Today, I work with Palestinian children because I am working in this field. But when “Children of Peace” existed, I used to work with both. Actually, I wanted to carry out activities in our campaigns for children. Unfortunately, people do not think about including children. Children are not represented in parliaments. Our people demonstrate arrogance and selfishness, and children are the last sector they think of .We would be better off and our and our society would improve in the future if we worked sincerely for children in all aspects, including education, by investing in them. If we could raise productive, intellectual, educated, and well-behaved youngsters, our society would be more productive socially, economically, culturally, and politically. I was also active in the area of Israeli-Palestinian political cooperation, both through political activities and peace campaigns.

I used to live in Amman and when we came back in the period after Oslo,11 it seemed to be a time of relief, an opportunity for both peoples to create a better future together. Historically, both our people and the Israeli people have shared the same problems. There are even some diseases that are only spread among the two nations such as the familial Mediterranean fever;12 it is a genetic disease which is spread only amongst the Palestinians and the Israelis. I am not sure if it is spread nowadays somewhere else. Children, mothers and women generally experience common suffering. We suffer from environmental problems since we exist in one environment. We suffer from health problems but we also suffer from borders, which were created by politicians after Sykes-Picot.13

However, both peoples had lived in this area peacefully and securely for centuries. They had gone through good and bad times together. Unfortunately, the experiences they shared have turned to confrontation today. Colonization and Zionism14 have caused this situation, not Judaism, in addition to the political variability in the area and in the entire Middle East in the last century. The establishment of the State of Israel and its occupation of the remaining Palestinian Territories,15 and the competing claims that continue to exist, have caused a tragedy in the area. The more mutual issues, work, and foundations exist between both peoples, the fewer disputes there are and the more possibilities there are for avoiding such disputes. In the end, disputes are about political issues, but we are all human beings. As human beings, this is what both Jews and Arabs share, and this is what creates a shared foundation for an understanding between both of us. We should be aware of what we shared historically; we should be aware of how both societies were affected socially whether as a result of the existence of extremists on both sides or the existence of disagreements based on faulty logic. After the occupation, our people became dependent on the Israelis economically, whereas we as Palestinians used to be economically independent.

When were Palestinians economically independent?

A century ago. During the past single century, many things deteriorated and a gap between both nations was created. It is good to have treaties and peace aspirations, but it is not enough to have them just on paper and not in reality, to not work for the elevation of the Palestinians’ position, not to compensate Palestinians for the suffering, through legal compensation. Jews today are compensated,16 for example, if one lost a farm in Germany or Geneva or any other place, he or she confiscates lands in the Palestinian Territories.

The gap, which was created between both peoples, is what we ought to address through the promotion of peace. I have worked with several doctors in Israeli universities on health issues, such as drug problems. We wrote manuals in Arabic to treat drug addiction, which we Palestinians and the people in the Occupied Territories of 1948-- the Palestinians living currently in Israel17 -- may use. We worked on these manuals as an Israeli-Palestinian team concerned with a common problem. For example, the drug problem is a global problem. We as two nations suffer from universal problems. It is very important that we try to solve such problems together.

Together with a group, I am currently working on addressing the problem of homeless children. That phenomenon is a global problem, especially in Eastern Europe and Russia; millions of children suffer as a result of inadequate parental care. This problem exists here as well. There are many street children whose families face problems; there are children who lost their parents. Many parents are either imprisoned or martyred;18 many mothers are lost and their children are left by themselves. For example, a child from Hebron19 would be sleeping in the Bell Garden20 in Jerusalem and wander in the day because he has no parents. There are many environmental, social, economic, medical, and health problems that we should work on because these problems do not know borders. If polio existed in a certain country or area, the whole Middle East would be affected. Therefore, we cannot refuse to take action and say, “There are borders, that’s it.” In this way, we learn a lot about each other. Sometimes we feel that we can work together and sometimes we feel that we can’t work together. Relationships enable us to foresee how we can work together better in the future, and how we can be more understanding as two peoples. This definitely takes time.

Which are the universities involved in this kind of study?

The University of Haifa,21 Ben-Gurion University22 and Al-Quds University as well. Also, Tel-Aviv University23 and Bar Ilan University.24 We, as teachers at the Al Quds University, have relations with all the Israeli universities. I personally had relations through some projects, such as health projects and peace projects at Haifa and Ben Gurion and at Tel Aviv for law students. We work hard on programs with Israeli and Palestinian students. In the beginning, we arrange a facilitation program for those students through universities in this country, and then afterwards, they go together to a European country and study in different fields such as human rights.

In addition to these activities, I was very active in two campaigns for peace. The first was the National Peace Campaign, which took place on December 28, 2001 and included about 1000 Israeli and Palestinian peace activists.25 I was one of the organizers of this event, and Sari Nusseibeh was the head of our team. All Palestinian organizations and groups participated in the campaign. The Israelis also held a demonstration; among them were Yossi Sarid,26 Yossi Beilin, Yuli Tamir27 and Women in Black.28 All Israeli and Palestinian activists of the peace movement gathered at the Hebron Gate29 and signed a paper that we called “Time for Peace.” It aims to promote peace because violence was escalating between the Palestinians and the Israelis. It was the beginning of a hopeless intifada30 unplanned by both peoples.

The mutual violence rose out of the fear that peace agreements would not succeed, especially after the failure of Camp David,31 Taba negotiations32 and the return of Israel’s practices of oppression, killing, confiscation of land, checkpoints,33 etc. Palestinians responded to the oppression in order to defend themselves. One way of defending themselves was by carrying out martyrdom operations.34 At a certain point, we needed the parties who carry out such operations to think twice about the operations that target Israeli citizens. Despite the fact that we are living in a period of conflict, we should let our plight be known through the media on the international level and find an Arabic, Palestinian, and even Islamic spokespeople who could reflect the truth about us; the truth that we are not for the killing and targeting of civilians. Our issue is of great importance and is a legitimate one. Sometimes if you are unable to defend your issue appropriately and to make your voice heard internationally, you may be hurting your cause. With the National Peace Campaign we aimed to change policy, to speak up, and to choose nonviolence, because Palestinians and Israelis are not equal militarily. Our voices are equally as important as Israelis’; our cause is just. This campaign was carried out together by both Israelis and Palestinians. Our meetings were national and voluntary, and took place in the field. Regarding the field, there are checkpoints. We worked with Ta’ayush,35 Machsom Watch,36 and people working for peace.

During this period, other issues became clear. We saw that the Israeli leftists were for peace, but they alone could not affect the peace process. Two courageous individuals, Dr. Sari Nusseibeh and Ami Ayalon37 addressed for the first time sensitive issues which no one else wished to speak about. They used a referendum to plan a solution for both peoples based on fundamental principles. First they addressed the 1967 borders,38 and then the existence of settlers,39 Jerusalem40 as one city with two capitals (East and West Jerusalem), the compensation of refugees, the return of refugees to Israel or Palestine. That is, Israelis around the world would return just to Israel, and the Palestinians around the world would return just to Palestine. If there were any opportunity for consent to a family reunification, this would concern both countries. UN Resolution 19441 approves the return of the refugees to their Palestinian homeland, even though Israel would never agree on the return of five million refugees to Israel. Of course, there was a requirement for Palestine to be unarmed. This would provide an opportunity for calm and economic growth instead wasting money on weapons. Thirdly, they addressed the need for an international commitment that pledges security and stability to the Palestinians in their homeland.

We addressed ways to improve the Israeli-Palestinian relationship, and the Israelis relations with the other regions. Today, we are following a different policy; we are talking about two independent countries for two peoples after independence, which will allow both peoples to enjoy the land that we call Palestine and they call Israel. In the end, I will be in Nablus and Jerusalem but I will never stop loving or visiting Safad and Haifa.42 At the same time, Israelis who wish to visit Prophet Yusef’s tomb43 or Abraham’s Mosque44 have the right to do so. So if we were able to share the beloved country and at the same time to divide it in order not to remain in conflict, we would have a chance for a better future and for ourselves and our children as well. So we have started a campaign called the “Palestinian Campaign for Peace and Democracy”. The campaign is based on six principles45 and envisions an independent Palestinian state, which is democratic, just, economically independent, etc.

What role did you play in the campaign?

I helped Dr. Sari Nusseibeh with the Palestinian side since I was his assistant at the university. As time passed, we noticed that there was a large sector of Israeli society missing from peace activities-people who may approve of a just peace for the Palestinians, not necessarily through peaceful coexistence but rather through separation and independence of each people in their own state. I even remember Ayalon saying that even though the Israelis believe they have triumphed, the Palestinians believe that their success is the mere fact that Israelis are afraid of violence. The Israelis don’t realize that Palestinians consider their fearfulness a success.

Israelis have realized and become convinced that Israeli peace can be achieved through acknowledging Palestinian identity, which is a prerequisite for fulfilling the Palestinian national aspiration. The moment Israelis became convinced of this idea, they started advocating for the independence of both Israelis and Palestinians, based on shared principles. Jerusalem should remain one city; East Jerusalem, the capital of Palestine, shall be governed by the Palestinian leadership, and West Jerusalem, the capital of Israel, shall be governed by the Israeli leadership. Another sensitive issue was the refugee problem, a question that was addressed by Dr. Sari Nusseibeh in different scenarios. Why should the Palestinian refugees be allowed to return only to the Palestinian homeland but not to the place or house they left? It is true that talks were taking place regarding the five million Palestinian refugees and the fact that Israel would never agree to their return to the occupied territories of 1948.46 Israel did not allow a Palestinian state comprised only of Palestinians, nor an Israeli state with another five million Palestinians in addition to the current six million Israelis, of which 1.25 million among them are Arabs. Therefore, he was suggesting realistic solutions to the Palestinians and the Israelis.

If one studies resolution number 194, it states the right to return or compensation. The Palestinian refugees deserve to return from the refugee camps in Lebanon47 and other countries to their homeland, and to have their own identity, to live in dignity, to be compensated on an individual level and on a national level in order to build a country which would allow the Palestinians to live in dignity. In fact, there were two leaders: Ayalon on the Israeli side and Dr. Sari Nusseibeh on the Palestinian side. They had similar values based on turning certain unrealistic dreams into a reality in which both could live. First, they came to an agreement and then they signed a paper. I was one of those who worked on the translation and publication of this paper from the beginning through November 2003, the day it was published in the newspapers.48 After it was published, more than 1200 Palestinians signed it in approval of these principles. Then both Israelis and Palestinians began organizing, not as a party or movement, but to spread the ideas among all Palestinians and Israelis who seek peace; for example, Fatah49 and other parties. People from the revolutionary council and central committee of Fatah, people in universities, and lecturers and so on, all were approached.

In other words, both sides, Israelis and Palestinians, were active. The campaign was officially started on June 5, 2003, when we started to collect as many signatures as possible from the entire population. In the same month, the Israelis also started the campaign Mifkad Hale’umi,50 and were also going after signatures. At regular intervals, we publish in both our websites and newspapers the number of votes and signatures we have received. The number of votes was three at first, then rose to reach 1,000. It continued to rise through today to reach 210,000 signatures among Israelis, and more than 160,000 signatures among Palestinians.51 These statistics were from the year 2004. During Abu Mazen’s52 election campaign, we halted activities in order to support the campaign. In fact, the reality was that Abu Mazen’s attitudes and beliefs reflected many of our campaign’s goals, including not targeting civilians, nonviolent responses towards our problem, a period of truce for a just and peaceful political settlement, and finally, suggesting issues agreed upon by Palestinians that we can all work on solving.

After Abu Mazen's victory, we resumed our activities to promote our campaign, and we continued to collect more signatures. Collecting signatures indicates the number of participants and the extent to which the idea is spreading. There are posts in Jerusalem, the West Bank,53 and Gaza.54 There are coordinators and a structural body in each district. An executive council is elected in each district. There are executive council coordinators and central commissions for women, youth, projects, media, external relations, public relations, awareness and political activities, in addition to some of the organizing members. Together, 51 members-- including the executive council of the National Campaign for Peace and Democracy, and the General Director Dr. Sari Nusseibeh, in addition to the current organizing body and executive council--democratically elect the new council, according to the laws and orders which the institution follows. I am a member and a decision maker in the executive council. We have an office in Jerusalem. We carry out different activities all over. What is interesting is that I am proud of the members; I am proud of Bethlehem55 and the activities there. I am proud of all the people working on the campaign in different districts: Qalqilya,56 Jenin,57 Nablus. I am proud of every place where people are working appropriately and in the right place to publicize their ideas.

How engaged were Palestinians and Israelis in the campaign?

In general, the Israelis’ involvement was greater. As a matter of fact, all groups who participated in the campaigns were hopeful about peace, especially the women and the older community and retired community. In regard to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, unfortunately there are interests and power interests in and between both sides which sometimes affect the peace equation. This phenomenon is very clear. We actually felt hopeful when Dr. Sari and General Ayalon signed a joint statement.58 Ayalon put pressure on the Israelis and the Israeli right wing. Finding people like Ayalon who call for peace is a good thing. I believe that Ayalon still calls for such principles even though he belongs today to the Labor Party.59 We hope that if Ayalon has political influence someday, those principles will still be brought forward and implemented.

Another joint project that I am involved in is called “Birthing Together.” An Israeli-Palestinian group from different areas works on this project, specifically from Gaza and the South where Kibbutz Kissufim60 is located to the south of Beer Sheva.61 The people there have offered a piece of their land. In brief, the idea is to arrange a project which we call the “Transborder Project,” meaning that the Israeli-Palestinian borders between Gaza and Israel could not be used. But there are many other projects which are mainly economic, such as the Karni62 and Rafah63 terminals which resulted from coordination between both countries. In this project, a hospital or a maternity house should be built for the people in the area. This is a cooperative project. They came up with the idea and agreed on the location. The Israelis worked on providing a piece of land and registering the association. The hospital may be expanded in the future, because the nearest hospital to the Israelis is in Beer Sheva and the nearest hospital to the Palestinians is in Gaza. The presence of such a hospital with medical care provided by the World Health Organization64, which sponsors different hospitals in conflict areas to aid the people, may be a highly successful project that provides services to people in need. Furthermore, it may help create a common language between the two peoples to support the society in an attempt to solve the problems related to health and hospitals.

You said that the Israeli side had provided the land and registered the institute. Is it also going to include Palestinian land in Gaza?

If the Palestinians wanted to provide a piece of land, the state is the one who has to offer the land and not the people. Everything is centralized here. For the Israelis, the kibbutz residents supplied the land and one of the residents follows up on the project. Whereas we would have to go to the head of the government, get their approval, make sure the land is empty, and finally get the approval that this land can be used especially for the project. So it would require follow-up with officials and the ministers of health and labor to organize an NGO.

It seems like you are in the early stages of the project, how often do you meet together, Israelis and Palestinians, to make plans?

Yes, but hopefully in the future, all this will take place. The project’s title is “Birthing Together” because the idea of this project is to give birth to a common dream: Palestinian and Israeli children being born at the same place, and along with their parents receiving care from childhood onward. The idea focuses on maternity and child-care in general, but the targeted group of children who will be cared for in the hospitals may be unique. But the idea is not yet completely developed and we do not know exactly how the project is going to be carried out.

How did the Palestinian-Israeli conflict affect your life?

It has had a huge influence. I think that the Palestinians in general and me in particular, no matter how hard we try to ignore the conflict, we suffer in our daily life on all levels. We suffer on the international, regional, national and individual levels. We all suffer; we suffer at the borders, we suffer in claiming our identity, which is our right. There is fear, suffering, loss, torment, martyrdom, death, disabilities, a certain weakness, and the stripping not of one’s weapons but of the basic elements that provide security and stability. All these elements have created great challenges for the Palestinians. They have dealt with this challenge since childhood, and it has created exceptional people. This challenge has given their lives a different meaning than all the other people in the world. The suffering has a meaning; the soldier, the checkpoint, the roadblocks, and the separation wall65 all have meaning. Each day creates an issue that gives a different meaning to our life. No one in the entire world leads this kind of life. I do not know how to describe it.

What made you work in the fields of health and maternity care? What experiences did you go through which inspired you to dedicate yourself to cooperate and work for peace?

Since the start of the occupation in 1967,66 I suppose, all who endured this period felt Arab impotence. Each one of us believes that he or she personally can achieve a lot. But as a nation, a people, and a leadership we are not able to attain anything. These feelings make us, the Arabs, more willing to work. I told you that I work with both the Israelis and the Palestinians because it is not enough to just work on us without working on the Israelis. Likewise, working on the Israelis without addressing us as Palestinians is worthless.

I was a child [in 1967] but I still I had many questions. In one way, occupation has subjected us to weapons and oppression. At the same time, we have watched our enemies and other developed countries and seen how they work. Definitely, we are not going to win over Israel if we remain underdeveloped. If we remained underdeveloped militarily, economically, technologically, and socially, if we are far behind the world, we would be lying to ourselves. We would never see hope. I am now speaking realistically and not emotionally.

When I went to Russia, I was accompanied by Palestinian colleagues from the Galilee,67 but they had Israeli passports.68 At a certain stage, other Arab students refused to deal with them. This raised a major question for me; those are the people who persisted and never left their houses in 1948. Those are the only people who preserved the Arabs’ existence in the occupied Palestinian territories in 1948, and this is the way we treat them? In the 1960’s and 1970’s, the idea of Israel’s existence in the region was not yet accepted. Many things in life become reality at a certain time and human beings cannot choose. In daily life, we sometimes ignore events, for instance on the familial level, to show refusal. For a long time, we ignored the existence of Israel. But this doesn’t mean that it is not there or that it does not exist. It occupied us. I can’t deny the existence of the occupiers and vice versa. Israel as well cannot occupy us and deny our existence as human beings since Israel can only see the land devoid of human beings. Israel refuses to see the Palestinians as human beings. There are several issues other than the daily suffering, issues pertaining to the Palestinians who have Israeli passports with the intention of maintaining their entity.

The last situation I experienced was during my visit to Safad in 2001 when I was searching for my mother’s house but couldn’t find it. I couldn’t find the house in Haifa. It is hard to inform someone that you can’t return to your house when they are still holding on to its key. It is as if you shatter the only hope in your life on the rock of reality. But if you were to ask anyone holding a key to go and open the door that was once his, he would not be able to find the house and even if he finds it, he would not be able to live in the different and strange environment. He may find the house but to find his own environment would be much better.

I once believed in a resolution of the Israeli-Arab conflict where the refugees and the detainees were the two basic elements. These people must be in their own land and be able to work for our people, our state, our future and our identity. This would be a different situation. Actually, I follow the Israeli news a lot and I clearly see how proud they are since the occupation. In 1968, they carried out a military demonstration in the French Hill69 which was empty then. I was watching and thinking how hard they were working and how we still have much work to do. Of course they intend to occupy our country; they have exploited our weakness. Our cause is just but they are treating us unequally.

It is much harder to work for peace than to engage in war. Working for peace requires many thoughts and ideas; it demands that you cooperate with the opposite side instead of neglecting it. It requires a lot of skills.

What challenges do you encounter in you work?

In this period, a major challenge is women’s issues. I noticed that it is hard for many people to listen to the women of our society. A woman and a man may talk about the same topic, but when the man speaks, all people listen and understand, whereas when the woman speaks, it is not the same thing. It would be good for women to be heard, yet it is even better to be understood. This means that half of our society is marginalized. Even if you are a woman and aim to empower women, you still have a long road ahead of you. Women themselves accept their insignificant role in society in certain situations. For example, women accept being dependent and not independent; they accept not participating, and they are satisfied. Traditional women in our society, rather than the working women, embrace their role of being mothers more than being professionally productive, even though as human beings they should appreciate their role of being productive in addition to their role as mothers. This does not only make them equal to men, but rather puts them before men. Women are the origin of life; they are gifted with “X chromosome”, with motherhood, and their ability to give birth, and this makes them have special value. It helps them be more effective within the family, society, and the nation.

Regardless of their work, whether there is hard currency, soft currency, or there is no financial outcome at all, women should work in any field that helps them to form their own characters and be more confident in the importance of their own existence. Productive work--or economic independence--is essential to women who are prevented from enjoying being in their own society. Many women are subjugated by men, such as their brother, husband, father, etc.; they are not economically independent because they prefer to preserve the tradition within the family or to satisfy men’s desire for ownership. Neither Islam, history, economics nor logic deny women their rights, but rather, they deny themselves.

Economic independence is crucial to women’s self-confidence and personal independence. Women first have to work and play a role in society, and then we will focus on the next step, which may include decision-making, political participation, and policy-making for the country. However, it is hard to ask women now to start working immediately in the parliament and start making decisions. It certainly requires adequate preparation. Everything in the world must start somewhere, even if it is late in coming.

Because women do not always act in their own self interest, they unfortunately hurt their own cause. The structure of our society consists of families in which women are always dependent upon men; thus, women’s relationships to each other are still not as developed as they need to be. Palestinian women can be much more supportive of each other when they understand each other, but we still have not reached this point.

Occupation, checkpoints, etc. are also major problems. Many things could be achieved, but there are no resources in this country. There is no national economy. We need to have our own law and order, because the lack of order and reason is a big problem. People are very hasty. I want people to rely more on reason than on their emotions. I want us to think in a logical way to enable us to solve our own problems. There are many gaps in our society between different groups, between the refugees and the citizens. There are gaps between different classes, between the imprisoned and free people, and between ancestors and their descendents.

What did your family and the people around you think about your work?

In general, in my family we all believe that peace is the only way to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and that we have to work for it. Therefore, we all work for peace. We have to do something, and we can’t use other means to solve our problem. Regarding my youngest daughter’s response, I once told her that we were attending a meeting for peace, and she answered: “Mom, don’t kid yourself. You are not working for peace; you are working for surrender.” She was eight years old then. She challenged me. The peace we are working for ought to be a genuine peace for the courageous. People should be convinced that peace is in line with what they want. People think that peace is surrender. My daughter’s reaction was normal for her because she was living in the midst of the intifada and violence. She was thinking, “What are you talking about?” People’s reaction was that we have to work for peace but we have to do it in the right way, to have the right outcome, and not be the ones to destroy our own cause and surrender to history.

The people working for peace need to be able to give the Palestinians back their legitimate rights. If you work for peace and do not achieve anything, you will never be remembered in history, or you will be remembered negatively. People are for peace, but for a just peace based on international legitimacy, including the 1967 borders, compensation and return of the refugees to the Palestinian state, return of Israeli settlers to Israel, etc.

What are the main misconceptions that people have about your work in general?

People require a long time to understand why I am working. From their perspective, they are not used to seeing women working in certain fields with courage and with determination. We have a certain image of the women in our society. Sometimes, they feel that women working in different fields are rebellious. Even though what is most important for women is knowing their different roles as a mother, citizen, employee, wife, daughter, etc. People see what they wish to see instead of reality. That is why most of the time people do not understand what I am doing.

What is the main misconception of the conflict?

The main misconception is that Israelis think this is their promised land, given to them by God, and that they should have this land without a people. Even educated professors and doctors still believe that it is their promised land.70

Could you elaborate on that?

I met with Israeli scholars and very high ranking individuals in higher education etc. Some of them come with an illogical argument of the land promised to them by God and ignore the issue of the people who are living in the land with all the historical, social, cultural dimensions of life and mainly their basic human right of existing and living in their own homes and lands, as well as having the right to justice and equality! Based on this I feel that there are arguments between our two peoples that may lead nowhere, especially if used as a basis for future decisions.

You engage a lot today in activities where you cooperate with the Israelis. What is a red line for you that may not be crossed?

You wouldn’t believe me if I told you that I do not wish to speak about politics. My red line is the shedding one drop of blood from a human being. I hope that tomorrow the violence will end and then we can sit and try to resolve the problems. Because we are fighting over nonsense; we are fighting over sand and stones. This is the red line, especially when children are involved. Sooner or later, problems will be resolved and all the people who have been killed would be a waste to us and to the Israelis. It would be a loss to the caring mother, the father who sacrificed for the family, the wife, the people, the whole nation, and the entire world.

What do you consider as a success in you work?

“A thousand miles start with a single step.” The truth is that I do not know where to start, but the origin of all success is the freedom of human beings. Any person who can feel freedom from occupation, from fear… that is the most important success. Therefore, collective freedom starts with individual freedom. You can’t imagine a free land where the citizens are still not free. Genuine success is a free human being whoever he or she is, whether children, women, or men… The different kinds of freedom are: freedom from hunger, freedom of expression, freedom from fear and occupation, the freedom of everything.

What are the most important lessons you have learned through your activities?

Nothing is impossible. Dreams may not come true today or tomorrow, but some real issues have a better chance of coming true. Yet, one always has to be patient and to choose the right work at the right time. Another lesson I have learned is that humanity is the most important thing. Regardless of their age and background, each human being has something to offer as a contribution. However, it is so important to give people support. Even though it takes more time, the outcome from working together is greater than from individualistic work. The third lesson I learned is reflected in my personality. One should never feel desperate. Hope is a positive power that can achieve the impossible, whereas despair is destructive. The moment our people feel desperate, the countdown to their end starts. Fortunately, I have never felt this way. Our people and colleagues only seek security and are always hopeful. Finally, we are going through hard times and complex circumstances. However, despite the difficulties and our great ambitions, achievements are considered crucial. As long as there is achievement, life is still there. Words only, without actions, are a fatal disease to the entire Arab World. Our religions and culture traditionally instruct us by saying “Do.” Therefore, actions are what count and not words. It is faith and not fame. As long as there is faith, determination, education, and work, there is still hope and there is still a future. This equation will be different if any of the above elements are missing.

Where do you consider yourself to be in relation to the Palestinian mainstream?

I do not know how the Palestinians see me. I am a worker, an academic, I’m from this country and I’m honest and patriotic. I can see myself in the street, in the establishment, and in any place that accepts me and allows me to work with it. I may be a soldier in a ditch, an official in an organization, a director of a project, or a doctor in a clinic. As long as there are achievements, work, and acceptance… I can’t imagine myself being in a place where I am not accepted. Thank God I was accepted warmly in all the places where I have worked because I was always caring, generous, helpful, and respectful. I have never harmed or been rude to anyone. I respect the young as well as the old. I care for the poor before the rich. I think about the guard before the director. This is why I was accepted, loved, and respected wherever I worked. Unfortunately, the most challenging difficulty I encountered throughout my life is some people’s jealousy. I would very much like to work together and strengthen each other, but I have noticed that in the Palestinian professional, academic, and labor sectors there exists unnecessary competition. The field of labor is wide. There is room for everyone to work. Even if all were working, there is still much work to be done. The more we work cooperatively and transparently, the more our people will benefit. There is also a problem regarding Palestinians’ working as a team whether on education, planning, or in the establishment.

And what do you think that is?

Firstly, it is due to a flawed upbringing. Secondly, to the absence of authority; when authority and social codes are absent, the law of the jungle will prevail, even if people are dressed up. When there is jungle law, it will sound strange if someone wants to implement the rule of law. There is an absence of law, order, authority, all terms of reference which serve justice and create opportunities and equality of jobs. One can’t blame the people for this absence. When people start to exploit one another and the national resources with no supervision, you don’t have the right to blame the people. Some would say that if they did not work, other people would. Unfortunately, we are in need of national efforts, regional and local frameworks to support the national interests. National interests should be represented by a national body, be it governmental or non-governmental.

Which international community has the greatest influence over the peace process and the conflict in this region?

Definitely, America has the greatest influence. In the 1970’s, before the dissolution of the Soviet Union, there were two powers in the world. At a certain stage, the Communists were supportive of Palestine. After the fall of the Soviet Union, America was left to rule the world. In recent years, even the Israeli-Palestinian problem has appeared as a minor issue in the Middle East, following the war in Iraq71 and all the other events that are taking place in the region. Today, we have to pay more attention to ourselves as Palestinians and Israelis in an attempt to solve our problem. America has the greatest power over this region. However, I am sure that conflict resolution depends on us, Palestinians and Israelis. “The sky doesn’t rain gold or silver,” meaning that we have to work in order to gain. As two nations, we have to plant the future seeds. Together, we should plan our future with understanding. We already planned our future, that is, the Palestinians and the Israelis plan their future each day through their words and behavior toward themselves or toward the other. When the Israeli people choose Sharon72 and allow the Israeli military to ruin the Palestinians, this means that they have chosen war. But when they choose a government that calls for peace based on certain principles, they would be choosing peace; it is the same for the Palestinians. Instead of planning their future separately, given that we both live on the same land, our lives intermingle, and that we are the occupied and they are the occupiers, the best way is to plan our future together. We have to plan the best future for both of us for the long and short run. In this way, we would both be secure.

Why do you think previous peace attempts were unsuccessful?

Well, actually they were a failure. Of course they were not a success because we are not yet democratic. The government and the people are separated. Why do you think that we “peace camps” are now working on the grassroots level and why do you think we need the people’s signatures?

It is because we are targeting the people and not the government. If the government works solo and if it isn’t honest with the people, there will be a deep gap and, as the saying goes, the people will be “dancing to the tune of the government.” The government and the people should be interrelated in national and political awareness. This indicates democracy, openness, and political awareness. This means involving the people in decision-making, according to their positions.

I am sure that a large percentage of the people who knows the word “Oslo” know it just by name. They are not aware of what exactly Oslo was, even the people who signed Oslo. I am serious. I wish that people would carefully study the papers they sign, and be able to discuss and explain them to the people. There are many missing, unclear issues. Secondly, the different treaties--take for instance Camp David-- there was a chance, but the Palestinian resistance movement was not mature at that time. We are always backwards and we never carefully study our opportunities. We constantly refuse some opportunities illogically. We do not deal with opportunities in a tactical way. Nobody gains anything easily; one has to demand. We have our own values that no one can forbid us to suggest at any moment.

We are aware that there is an understanding about East Jerusalem, the capital of Palestine, 1967 borders, etc. These divisions may be well-known, and we can live according to these principles. We may not gain it today; it may need time. We may gain if we follow a nonviolent way of life, if we have clear principles and if we are clear about our ultimate goal, but nevertheless we behave in this way. However, we are not mature enough in politics, negotiations, and in different roles. Centrality exists here. Our government belongs to one person only. It is true that we speak a lot in ceremonies and write, but our ideas are shattered. As a country, we think that we have parties, and a political democratic partisan system that does effective work. But I am sure that we do not have this. Maybe we have only started to achieve it. You can’t blame anyone because our circumstances are hard.

As an Arab nation among the Arab countries, we are considered the first in regards to democracy and freedom of speech now that the elections took place. During the Arab elections, people elect one individual and not a group. The percentage of the vote is 97-98%. Therefore, we had a great responsibility. As Palestinians, our circumstances are hard. We are as orphans to the world. Only people who believe in our Palestinian cause would cooperate with us. Since we still do not have interrelated ties with Western countries and many others, it is easy for people to fight against us. Nowadays, we have formed our identity and our country using difficult means, causing blood, death, martyrs, conflict, secret work, and underground work. The period of the intifada was a very difficult time. It was an immature period. Our youth did not have the benefit of education, labor and economics; their sources and land were taken away. Our people live in the Diaspora and look for a home. It is crucial for us to find our home now; the home that would unify us until we mature.

Opportunities were limited when you consider the people who signed them. For example, Oslo was signed by Fatah and the Labor party.73 The Likud party74 was definitely not satisfied. None of the other parties were involved. Another example is, the Jordanian and the Palestinian teams who went together to Washington, but the Washington negotiations were canceled upon the emergence of Oslo.75 In Washington, we could have demanded our legitimate 1967 borders which extend between Jordan and Israel and then demanded to have our own state. Because the Jordanians were absent from the negotiations, the issue of the Palestinian borders was taken off the table. These are simple issues; nevertheless, they require maturity on the Palestinian level and on the Arab level. Confidence is lacking on all levels, such as the Palestinian-Israeli confidence and the Palestinian-Arab confidence. Tomorrow is a mystery. The suggested peace deals were always on the wrong track, either in regards to the timing, the period of political awareness, the participants, people’s reaction, people’s awareness or people’s participation in the decisions. All of these issues played a significant role.

What are your expectations for the next 5-10 years?

I want to sound optimistic and hopeful that the truce will continue.76 It is much easier to achieve a political settlement when there are no funerals or violence. As Palestinians, I hope that we make our desires known. I hope that there will be a chance for the chairman of the PNA77 and the officials to declare a Palestinian state defined by the 1967 borders with Jerusalem as its capital, and the Palestinians’ return to Palestine “as a declaration only.” Palestinians everywhere shall carry the Palestinian passport and have the right to visit Palestine, in addition to the other travel document that they already carry.78 It is impossible to tell a Palestinian to leave a country and live here after he has grown up and spent his whole life there. The Palestinian passport would enable the carrier to visit his country.

The current Israeli-Palestinian situation that was created during the past fifty years…I believe it is hard to empty the settlements, bring back the Palestinians overnight “to solve the problem”. This may come true step by step. There is no clear order for the stages. But if we address invariable, fundamental national issues, and if there is stability, peace, investment, and a Palestinian state within the borders of 1967 with Jerusalem as its capital, steps will be agreed upon respectfully. If we are able to influence the Israelis, Americans, and Europeans, and if we are able to be powerful in presenting our just cause, we may gain.

What does the word “peace” mean to you?

I will have to start with the human being’s freedom. When I speak of the word “peace,” which we are familiar with since childhood-you are aware that Islam is the religion of peace; it means surrender. It refers to people surrendering to life, but at the same time, working for life as well, life based on the principles of humanity, education, freedom, freedom of expression, respect for women, respect for the old, sympathy for the young, etc. It is the freedom to bring justice to all human beings and to provide services regarding health, education, and welfare; and at the same time human beings should fulfill their duties. I am speaking of people’s behavior to each other in general. Peace is the most precious value to human beings. So it is a part of humanity wherever people are. This is the origin of the word peace. When we talk of society, families, and countries, when such values are achieved on the international level, it will be much easier to be on peaceful terms with those who consider themselves our enemies. In regards to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, I believe that all Israelis and Palestinians have the right to live without being exposed to killing, arrest, rape, exile, etc.

Equality shall be between all people regardless of their location-Palestine, Israel or any other country in the world. Justice shall be served too. If we are talking about an Israeli and a Palestinian state, I hope we shall share the major land which we call Palestine and they call Israel, with some form of independence. It is good for both peoples to enjoy some form of independence. There should be environmental, geographical, social, and societal continuity. Even though the borders exist on the map, that does not mean they are heeded. In case of humanitarian peace, borders would not exist, because both people would be merged together; they share similar interests. Both depend on each other economically. I hope that peace will be present as a humanitarian value.

Actually, women can play a significant role in times of peace. God created women and meant them to be at home, for the role they play in their families; their nature of seeking conciliation and consensus between all members; their role as moderators between the father and the children; this is a major role. Through their instincts and habits, women can play a significant role during the peace process. It will be a success if women on the Israeli and the Palestinian sides work together on raising families and on ways of thinking, leaving their imprints on society. This is why we have to work hard on women in society. They should participate in the peace process.

THE END


Notes

We have done our best to provide accurate, fair yet succinct footnotes to help you navigate the interviews. Our research team comprises more than 6 individuals, including Palestinians, Israelis and North Americans. Still, we recognize that these notes cannot capture the full complexity of this contested conflict. Therefore, we encourage you to seek additional sources of information, we welcome your feedback and appreciate your openness.

Safad (Sfad in Hebrew) is a city located in northern Israel. Est. population 27,000.

Nablus A Palestinian city in the northern West Bank. Est. population 132,000.

Occupation The “Occupation” is used to refer to Israel’s military control of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza Strip. It may also refer to Israel’s occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights, although the territory was annexed by Israel in 1981. International legal bodies do not recognize the annexation. See “Occupied Palestinian Territories.”

See the Al-Quds University website http://www.alquds.edu/.

(1949-) Sari Nusseibeh is a professor and President of Al Quds University and former Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) representative in Jerusalem. Nusseibeh is considered a leading Palestinian intellectual and vocal advocate for a non-violent resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He co-authored the People's Voice Initiative with former Israeli security head Ami Ayalon. See http://www.hashd.org

Dajani is referring to Jerusalem, declared by the State of Israel in 1980 as its undivided capital, and the city's role as the potential capital of a future Palestinian state. The future role of Jerusalem in a two-state solution has yet to be determined.

Bir el-Sabe' or (Beer Sheva) University is a different name for Ben-Gurion University.

Dajani was awarded the Mohammad Bin Rashed al-Maktoum Award for Arab Management-Distinguished Arab Manager (Female). For more information see the website of Mohammed Bin Rashed al-Maktoum (the crown prince of Dubai) at http://www.sheikhmohammed.co.ae/

Kids4Peace, a special program run by St. George's College Jerusalem, is a peace education program that brings together Israeli and Palestinian children for a summer camp experience in the United States. See http://www.sgcjerusalem.org/Kids4Peace.asp

Beilin, Yossi (1948-) A member of the Labor party and a Knesset Member for 11 years. He was Minister of Justice from July 1999 to March 2001. He was instrumental in the early stages of the Oslo peace talks and is one of the authors of the non-governmental, non-binding Israeli-Palestinian Geneva Accord. Beilin is currently the chairman of the Yachad party in Israel. See MeretzYachad online at http://www.yachadparty.org.il/Eng

Oslo Process This process was unveiled with the signing of the Declaration of Principles (DOP) by Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) Chairman Yasser Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin on the White House lawn in 1993, although it was preceded by an exchange of letters between Rabin and Arafat and back-channel negotiations by Israeli and Palestinian academics. In those letters, Israel recognized the PLO as the sole legitimate representative body of the Palestinian people and the PLO recognized Israel’s right to exist in peace and security. The DOP called for a permanent settlement to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict based on United Nation Resolutions 242 and 338. It also led to the creation of the Palestinian National Authority (PA or PNA) as part of the 1995 Oslo Interim Agreement. Yasser Arafat became President of the PNA. A series of agreements between the Israeli government and the PNA followed. The agreements are known collectively as the Oslo Accords. The Oslo process was set back with the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin in 1995. After the failure of the Camp David Accords in 2000, it ended with the assumption of the second intifada in September 2000. See Smith, Charles D. Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 5th ed. Boston: University of Arizona, 2004. See “The Oslo Declaration of Principles.” MidEast Web. 13 September 1993. 11 September 2007 http://www.mideastweb.org/meoslodop.htm

According to the United States National Human Genome Research Institute, Familial Mediterranean Fever (FMF) is "an inherited disease, characterized by recurrent attacks of fever, inflammation of the abdominal lining (peritonitis), inflammation of the lining surrounding the lungs (pleurisy), painful, swollen joints (arthralgia and occasionally arthritis), and a characteristic ankle rash. FMF is a rare disease worldwide, however, "it is very common in people of Sephardic (non-Ashkenazi) Jewish, Armenian, Arab and Turkish heritage," afflicted about 1 in 200 people with these backgrounds. For more information see http://www.genome.gov/12510679.

The Sykes-Picot Agreement A secret treaty concluded by France and Britain in May of 1916. The agreement essentially divided the Arab Middle East between the two powers, with France claiming the lands of Syria and Lebanon while Britain secured a large portion of what is today Iraq as well as indirect influence in the area between the Gaza Strip and Kirkuk. See. William L. Cleveland. A History of the Modern Middle East. 2nd ed. (Boulder: Westview Press, 2000) 159-160.

Zionism The belief that the Jewish people should have a national homeland, and refuge from persecution, in Israel. Supporters of this idea are called Zionists. The Zionist Movement took shape in Europe in the late 1800s with the First Zionist Conference in Basel, Switzerland. The movement advocated the ideology of Zionism, a national liberation ideology of the Jewish people with several strands, foremost being the establishment of a Jewish state within the biblical Land of Israel (Eretz Yisrael or Zion). Zionism has many manifestations, from religious to secular, each defining a distinct view of which land should be settled, and how it should be done. See http://www.mideastweb.org/zionism.htm

Occupied Palestinian Territories Also known as the “Territories,” “East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza”, the “Occupied Territories” or as “Judea, Samaria and Gaza.” In the context of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, this term generally refers to two non-contiguous territories captured by Israel following the war of 1967 (“June War,” “al-Nakba,” or “Six-Day War”), but does not usually include the Golan Heights. East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza are considered occupied by much of the international community and are treated as such by many international legal instruments. The Territories, or some part of, are slated to be the basis for an independent Palestine. Some members of the Israeli government refer to the Occupied Palestinian Territories as “disputed territory,” while certain right-wing factions in Israel consider the territory an integral part of biblical Israel and thus modern political Israel. See “International Law and ‘Occupied’/ ‘Disputed’ Territory Debate” and “War of 1967.”

Dajani is referring to compensation for Jewish victims and survivors of the Holocaust during WWII. For more information, see the Claims Conference (The Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany), an organization set up in 1951 in partnership with Israel in order to negotiate for and distribute payments from Germany, Austria, other governments and certain industries. As of July 2005, the Claims Conference states it has been responsible for distributing compensation to more than 500,000 Holocaust survivors in 67 countries. http://www.claimscon.org/.

Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel Also known as “Palestinian citizens of Israel,” “Palestinian Israelis,” “1948 Palestinians,” or “Arab Israelis.” Refers to those Palestinians and their descendents who remained in the area that became the State of Israel in 1948. They were granted Israeli citizenship. Until 1966 most of them were subjected to military rule that restricted their movement and some of their rights. The tension in Israel between its “Jewish” and “democratic” nature has historically meant that many Arab minority rights have been neglected. According to Adalah, The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel, since 1967, “The state [has] practiced systematic and institutionalized discrimination in all areas, such as land dispossession and allocation, education, language, economics, culture, and political participation.” While their standing in Israel has improved since Israel’s independence, Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel experience periodic persecution, felt strongest during the October 2000 riots in which 13 Palestinian Arab Israelis were killed in ten days. In 2004, Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel made up approximately 18-19% of the Israeli population. They live within the State of Israel, participate in government and hold Israeli citizenship, but do not serve in the military. See Lustick, Ian S. “Palestinian Citizens of Israel.” Philip Mattar, ed. Encyclopedia of the Palestinians. New York: Facts on File, 2005 and Bligh, Alexander, ed. The Israeli Palestinians: an Arab Minority in the Jewish State. London: Frank Cass, 2003. See also Adala and Mossawa online at http://www.adalah.org/eng/ and http://www.mossawacenter.org

Shahid Commonly translated into English as “martyr,” shahid literally means “one who witnesses” in Arabic. In the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the word “shahid” or “martyr” is used to refer to Palestinians or supporters of the Palestinian cause who have been killed, died, or killed themselves in the conflict. It may thus refer to such individuals as: a suicide bomber, a Palestinian fighter or a Palestinian civilian killed by an Israeli in the context of the conflict. The term is often erroneously assumed to be used by Palestinians or others in the Arab world to refer exclusively to suicide bombers.

Hebron A Palestinian city in the West Bank, located 30 kilometers south of Jerusalem. Al-Khalil (“Friend of God”) in Arabic and Khevron in Hebrew, its population is approximately 160,000, the majority of whom are Palestinian Muslims, with approximately 400 Jewish settlers living in the center of the city and an Israeli military presence. Tension between the settler and local Palestinian population is high, with the Israeli army and settler population often severely limiting the movement and security of Palestinian residents. Hebron is the site of numerous massacres in recent history (See 1929 Riots and Baruch Goldstein/Hebron Massacre). The Temporary International Presence in the city of Hebron (TIPH) has been present in the city since 1997, after requests by both Israeli and Palestinian authorities to observe and report breaches of human rights law and regional agreements. The city is home to the Tomb of the Patriarchs, known in Islam as the Ibrahimi Mosque, the supposed burial site of the biblical patriarchs and matriarchs, a site sacred to both Muslims and Jews. See online the Temporary International Presence in the City of Hebron at http://www.tiph.org/

Liberty Bell Garden is an open-air activity park and community center located in West Jerusalem.

See the University of Haifa website http://www.haifa.ac.il/.

Ben Gurion University of the Negev See http://www.bgu.ac.il/

Tel Aviv University Located in Tel Aviv, it currently has an enrollment of 29,000 students.

Bar-Ilan University is located in Ramat Gan, a city in Israel located just outside of Tel Aviv. See the Bar-Ilan University website http://www.biu.ac.il/index_eng.shtml.

Refers to the People's Campaign for Peace and Democracy (Hashd) is a Palestinian peace movement that advocates "an end to violence and a resumption of negotiations for the creation of a democratic Palestinian State," seeking to "empower the Palestinian People through grassroots involvement in ending the conflict" and the development of Palestinian civil society. See http://www.hashd.org/english/index.htm.

Sarid, Yossi Left-wing Israeli politician and journalist who is a member of the Knesset from the Yachad party. Yachad was formed in December 2003, in a merger of the Shachar party and the Meretz party, which Sarid had been chairman of since 1996. The official Meretz position denounced the refusal of soldiers to serve in the Occupied Territories. See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yossi_Sarid and http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Meretz

Yuli Tamir (1954-) served as Minister of Immigrant Absorption from August 1999 until March 2001. Elected to the Knesset in 2003, she served as a Member of the Knesset Finance, Constitution, Law and Justice, and Education, Culture and Sports Committees, as well as on the Parliamentary Inquiry Committee for Uncovering Corruption in the Government System of Israel. In May 2006 Yuli Tamir was appointed Minister of Education. In November 2006, she was also designated acting Minister of Science, Culture and Sports. A Professor of Political Philosophy at Tel Aviv University, Tamir also was a research fellow at Harvard University, Princeton University and the Hartman Institute of Jewish Studies in Jerusalem. She is one of the founders of the Peace Now Movement in Israel in addition to serving on the boards of the Jerusalem Foundation and the Israel Institute of Democracy. See: http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/MFAArchive/2000_2009/2001/3/Yael%20-Yuli-%20Tamir

Women in Black Initiated by Israeli women in the late 1980s, Women in Black has become worldwide movement of women for peace. See Women in Black.

Hebron Gate One of the entrances into the walled Old City of Jerusalem. Known in English as Jaffa Gate, and in Hebrew at Shar Yafo (Jaffa Gate).

Second Intifada Arabic for “shaking off.” The second intifada is sometimes called the Al-Aqsa (Aksa or ‘Aqsa) Intifada or the Armed Intifada. It refers to the recent Palestinian uprising against Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. The second intifada began in September 2000 following the breakdown of diplomatic efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and immediately following Ariel Sharon’s (then, an Israeli opposition leader) police escorted visit to the Temple Mount/ Haram al-Sharif. Sovereignty over the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif and their holy sites (including the al-Aqsa mosque). Sharon was highlighting a major point of contention in negotiations as both Jews and Muslims greatly revere the area. There is debate as to whether the second intifada was a spontaneous uprising catalyzed by Sharon’s visit to the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif, or a planned revolt by certain Palestinian leaders, including Yasser Arafat. Unlike the first intifada, the second intifada involved suicide bombings and more use of arms, in addition to mass rallies, general strikes and various other strategies. The exact end date of the second intifada is ambiguous. Some claim it is ongoing. See also First Intifada. See Hartley, Cathy, ed. A Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations, 2nd ed. London and New York: Europa Publications, 2004. See online “The second Intifada.” 8 December 2003. AlJazeera.net. November 2007 http://english.aljazeera.net/English/archive/archive?ArchiveId=187 and “Al-Aqsa Intifada timeline.” 29 Sept 2004. BBC News Online. 9 November 2007 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3677206.stm

Camp David An American presidential getaway in Maryland. In the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict, two significant events took place at Camp David, often referred to as Camp David I and Camp David II. At Camp David I (September 1978), Egyptian President Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Begin reached a bilateral agreement, with assistance and pressure from American President Carter, in which Israel would return the Sinai Peninsula in exchange for recognition and peace with Egypt, thereby establishing a precedent for “land-for-peace” negotiations. The Agreement called for talks between Israel, Jordan, Egypt and Palestinian representatives to create a framework for negotiations regarding the status of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. This goal was never met. Camp David II refers to the last Oslo process-related meetings between Yasser Arafat, Ehud Barak and Bill Clinton in the summer of 2000 over “final status” issues such as the settlements, Jerusalem, Palestinian statehood, the rights and entitlements of Palestinian refugees and more. Negotiations broke down and no agreement was reached. The collapse of the process was followed shortly thereafter by the second intifada. See Swisher, Clayton E. The Truth About Camp David: The Untold Story of the Collapse of the Middle East Peace Process. New York: Nation Books, 2004, Sher, Gilead. The Israeli-Palestinian Peace Negotiations, 1999-2001: Within Reach. London & New York: Routledge, 2006, Shamir, Shimon and Bruce Maddy-Wetzman, eds. The Camp David Summit-What Went Wrong? Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2005 and Malley, Robert and Hussein Agha. “Camp David: The Tragedy of Errors.” New York Review of Books (August 9 2001), pp 59-65, online at http://www.nybooks.com/articles/14380

Taba An Egyptian Red Sea resort town just across the Israeli-Egyptian Sinai border, Taba was the meeting place for several peace talks between Israelis and Palestinians, including the Taba talks (January 2001), which were considered by many to have produced the most comprehensive and viable proposal for a final status agreement between Israelis and Palestinians. Its conclusions remain unimplemented. For analysis see “Deconstructing the Taba Talks.” Settlement Report. 11.2 (2001) 9 November 2007 http://www.fmep.org/reports/vol11/no2/04-deconstructing_taba_talks.html

Checkpoints Roadblocks or military installations used by security forces to control and restrict pedestrian movement and vehicle traffic. The Israeli army makes widespread use of checkpoints in the Occupied Palestinian Territories in order to control the movement of Palestinians between Palestinian cities and villages and between the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Israel. Checkpoints can be large and semi-permanent structures resembling simple basic border crossings (such as the Kalandia checkpoint between Ramallah and Jerusalem or the Hawara checkpoint between Nablus and Ramallah) or small, temporary barriers on roadways or outside towns or villages. The security forces at a checkpoint exercise total control over movement through the checkpoint. Depending upon the location of the checkpoint, soldiers may and often do check the identity papers of every vehicle passenger and/or pedestrian who wishes to pass through. At certain checkpoints, mostly those that delineate Areas A, B and C, soldiers refuse passage to all who have not obtained permits from the Israeli military’s Civil Administration in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Palestinians and Israeli observers cite frequent, if not routine, incidences of delay and harassment of Palestinian civilians at checkpoints, regardless of the status of their papers. There are currently checkpoints at the entry and exit points of every large Palestinian populated area in the West Bank, on every major road within the West Bank, and at every crossing point on the Green Line between Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, in addition to many smaller checkpoints within the West Bank. According to the Israeli Army, a checkpoint is a “security mechanism to prevent the passage of terrorists from PA territory into Israel while maintaining both Israeli and Palestinian daily routine,” used to “facilitate rapid passage of Palestinians while providing maximal security to Israeli citizens.” See also “closures” in the glossary. See Keshet, Yehudit Kirstein. CheckpointWatch: Testimonies from Occupied Palestine. London: Zed Books, 2006. For facts, figures, and maps on the web, see “Machsom Watch.” Women for Human Rights. 21 June 2007 and Smith, Chris. “Closure: The Daily Reality of Israel’s Occupation.” Middle East Report Online. 27 August 2001. 21 June 2007and “Restrictions on Movement.” B’Tselem. 21 June 2007

Martyrdom Operation A term used predominantly in the Arab and Islamic world referring to militant operations carried out by a person seeking martyrdom. Like the term martyr, the usage of “martyrdom operation” can vary depending on who is using the term and in what context. In most cases, the term is used to refer to militant operations during which the assailant deliberately sets out (and succeeds) in sacrificing himself/herself during the attack, with the intention of killing others as well. While the Western media commonly refers to such acts as “suicide bombings” or “terrorist attacks,” many Islamic organizations refer to them as “martyrdom operations,” since the act of suicide is forbidden in Islam. According to such organizations, the person carrying out the operation did not commit suicide but rather died as a martyr on behalf of a sacred cause. In the context of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, martyrdom operations are mostly carried out by Islamic militant groups. However, it is important to recognize that the term “martyrdom operation” may be used to refer to operations during which there was no deliberate self-sacrificial intent. For example, members of a non-Islamic organization may die in a militant operation, without deliberately intending to do so, and the operation may nonetheless be referred to by some observers as a “martyrdom operation” since those who died are considered martyrs. See also “suicide bombings” in glossary.

Ta'ayush Ta'ayush (Arabic for coexistence) is "a grassroots movement of Arabs and Jews working to break down the walls of racism and segregation by constructing a true Arab-Jewish partnership." Its major activities include protesting the construction and existence of The Wall/Security Barrier and raising awareness and funds for Palestinians subjected to house demolitions and potential displacement from villages. See http://www.taayush.org/.

Machsom Watch Machsom is Hebrew for "checkpoint." Founded in January 2001, this organization includes over 400 women from diverse communities across Israel. Members monitor the behavior of Israeli soldiers and police at checkpoints and report their findings publicly in order to protect the rights of Palestinians as they cross checkpoints to enter Israel or return to locations within the West Bank and Gaza. See MachsomWatch.

Ayalon, Ami (1945- ) Member of the Israeli Labor Party and also a member of the Knesset and former Israeli Naval commander and former Israeli head of security. He co-authored the People’s Voice Initiative with Sari Nusseibeh. See http://www.hashd.org

1967 Borders Refers to the borders of Israel with Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon and Syria prior to the War of 1967. The war is referred to by Palestinians and Arabs as the “June War” and by Israelis as the “1967 War” or the “Six-Day War” on account of its duration. Israel captured the Egyptian Sinai, the Syrian Golan Heights, East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza Strip, then under respective Jordanian and Egyptian control. See also War of 1967 and Green Line.

Settler Refers to a Jewish Israeli living in a settlement – a Jewish community in the Occupied Palestinian Territories of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and, before the 2005 “disengagement”, the Gaza Strip. The settlements, established following Israel’s capture of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza Strip in the war of 1967, are widely recognized as illegal under international law. See Settlements, Settlement Blocs and Settlement Subsidies.

Jerusalem Known as Al Quds (“The Holy”) in Arabic and Yerushalayim or Zion in Hebrew. A city located in the center of both Israel and the West Bank portion of the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Home to approximately 730,000 people from all three monotheistic religions, as well as sacred sites from these faiths within close proximity, including the Western Wall, the al Aqsa Mosque and the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. The Green Line, or the 1949 cease-fire line between Israel, Egypt, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, demarcates the unofficial boundary between Israel and the West Bank, and divides Jerusalem. Israel immediately declared Jerusalem as its capital in 1948, and enshrined this in its Basic Laws in 1980. Palestinians aspire to declare Jerusalem as the capital of a nascent Palestine. Following the War of 1967, Israel extended its sovereignty to the Eastern half of the city, including the Old City and the holy shrines, which were controlled by Jordan from 1948. Israel “unified” East and West Jerusalem in its 1980 “Jerusalem Law”, leaving borders undefined. Most countries do not recognize Israeli sovereignty over the entire city, an opinion codified in UN Security Council Resolution 478. Rather, they regard Jerusalem’s status as undetermined, pending final status negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. See: “Jerusalem” Kumaraswamy, P.R. Historical Dictionary of the Arab-Israeli Conflict. Oxford: The Scarecrow Press, 2006. To read the text of the 1980 Basic Law see Basic Law-Jerusalem-Capital of Israel. Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 19 June 2007.

Resolution 194 United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194 was adopted 11 December 1948 in order to deal with the rapidly growing issue of Palestinian Arab refugees. The resolution states “that the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbors should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible.” For an introduction and text of United Nations Resolution 194, see “MidEast Web Historical Documents: UNGA 194.” MidEast Web. 19 October 2007 http://www.mideastweb.org/194.htm

Haifa An Israeli city on the Mediterranean Sea in the north of the country, comprising Palestinian and Jewish citizens of Israel, Haifa is Israel's third largest city and largest port. Est. population 266,000.

Joseph's tomb The tomb of the biblical figure Joseph (Yusef in Arabic and Yosef in Hebrew) is located in the West Bank city of Nablus. It is revered by Jews, Muslims, and Christians as his traditional burial site. Under the Oslo Accords, it was stipulated that both Israel and the Palestinian Authority would protect the rights of worship and access of Jews, Christians, Muslims, and Samaritans to the site. One of the most hotly contested religious sites in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Joseph's tomb has been the site of recurring incidents of violence. For a brief background on Joseph's Tomb and a recent timeline of incidents of violence there, see: Margaret Dudkevitch. "Joseph's Tomb: Holy, Hotly Contested," The Jerusalem Post, 13 Dec 2003.

Abraham's (Ibrahim's) Mosque is located in the West Bank city of Hebron at the Tomb of the Patriarchs, a site venerated by both Muslims and Jews. The mosque was the scene of a great tragedy in 1994 when Jewish immigrant Baruch Goldstein opened fire on Muslims during Friday prayer, killing 29.

For the six principles of the People's Voice Initiative see, http://www.mifkad.org.il/en/principles.asp.

The right of return for Palestinian refuges is one of the major final-status issues yet to be resolved in the two-state solution framework. Ms. Dajani is referring to the notion that the State of Israel would be unlikely to allow a majority of Palestinian refugees to return to lands captured by Israel in the War of 1948, for fear that such an act would shift the demographic balance inside Israel from a Jewish majority to a minority. Many observers believe that in a final settlement agreement some form of compensation or restitution would replace the physical return of most refugees to territories inside of Israel.

The total registered Palestinian refugee population of Lebanon was about 400,000 as of March 2005, with a little more than half of that number living in refugee camps. For more information see the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) http://www.un.org/unrwa/refugees/lebanon.html.

The People's Campaign for Peace and Democracy's "Vote for Peace Document" (i.e., the Nusseibeh-Ayalon Agreement) was first published in the Palestinian papers of Al-Quds, Al-Ayyam, and Al-Hayya Al-Jadida on June 5th, 2003. See http://www.hashd.org/english/eliazabith/statevision.htm.

Fatah ("Al-Fatah") Arabic for “conquest”, Fatah is a reverse acronym for the “Palestine Liberation Movement” (Harakat al-Tahrir al-Watani al-Filistani). Fatah is the largest Palestinian political party in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and the dominant faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Founded in Kuwait in the late 1950s by Yasser Arafat to fight for the establishment of a secular democratic Palestinian national state on all of the territory of British Mandatory Palestine. It began paramilitary and political operations in 1964, and assumed the leadership of the PLO in 1968. The organization’s tactics of “armed struggle” especially in the 1970s and 80s, included bombings, assassinations and hijackings in the Middle East, including Israel, and international locations. After Yasser Arafat’s signing of the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles in 1993, many Fatah leaders moved from Tunisia to the West Bank and Gaza Strip to serve in the political establishment and security forces of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). During the years of the “Oslo peace process” (1993-2000), the party shifted away from militancy and became identified as the chief proponent of a negotiated, two-state solution. From the launching of the second intifada through to the death of Yasser Arafat (2000-2004), Fatah experienced a split between factions supporting a return to negotiations, and factions such as the “Tanzim” and “Al-Aqsa Martyr’s Brigades” which resumed armed struggle against Israel and claimed responsibility for attacks on Israeli soldiers and civilians. This division persists today. Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen), assumed leadership of Fatah and the PLO after the death of Yasser Arafat in 2004, and was elected President of the PNA in January 2005. See Parsons, Nigel. The Politics of the Palestinian Authority: From Oslo to al-Aqsa. New York & London: Routledge, 2005. See Bowley, Graham. “Al-Fatah.” The New York Times. 20 June 2007. 25 June 2007

Mifkad Hale'umi Hebrew meaning "the national census," is a group that advocates and promotes the signing of the "People's Voice Initiative," a civilian-led joint Palestinian-Israeli statement sponsored by Sari Nusseibeh and Ami Ayalon. See http://www.mifkad.org.il/en/.

According to the Mifkad Hale'umi website, the "People's Voice Initiative" has been signed by 254, 165 Israelis and 161,000 Palestinians as of July 2005.

Abbas, Mahmoud (1935-) PNA President, also known as Abu Mazen. He has been a leading figure in the Fatah movement (aside from a brief resignation from the Central Committee in 2003) and the PLO since the 1960’s. He has been involved throughout his career in negotiations between Palestinians and the Israeli government, most notably as the leading Palestinian negotiator of the Oslo Accords and as the signatory of the Declaration of Principles in September 1993 on behalf of the PLO. The PLO executive committee appointed Abbas as Chairman of the PLO on November 11, 2004, and in January 2005, he was elected President of the Palestinian Authority (PA) with 62.7 percent of the popular vote. He maintained that position in the short-lived unity government formed in 2007 as part of the Mecca Agreement. For a brief biography see http://www.passia.org and Fischbach, Michael R. “Abbas, Mahmud.” Philip Mattar, ed. Encyclopedia of the Palestinians. New York: Facts on File, 2005.

West Bank Geographical territory located to the west of the Jordan River and the Dead Sea. Israel refers to it as “Judea” and “Samaria.” It has been under Israeli military control since 1967, although certain powers and responsibilities were transferred to the Palestinian Authority as part of the Oslo process in the 1990s (see Oslo process and Areas A, B and C). The Palestinian population of the West Bank is approximately 2.5 million, in addition to approximately 270,000 Jewish settlers. The West Bank, along with the Gaza Strip, comprises the Occupied Palestinian Territories. See “West Bank.” 1 November 2007. CIA World Factbook. 10 November 2007 https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/we.html

Gaza Strip Geographical territory located on the Mediterranean Coast and bordering the Egyptian Sinai Peninsula and Israel, with a total land mass of 360 sq km. Population: 1,482,405. The Palestinian populated territory was under Israeli administrative and military occupation from 1967 to 1994, when an agreement pursuant to the Declaration of Principles (DOP) gave the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) limited self-government for an interim five-year period, although Israel retained responsibility for external and internal security and for public order of settlements. Until August 2005, approximately 8000 Israeli settlers lived in the Strip. Negotiations aimed at determining final status of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza commenced in 1999, but failed to accomplish their objectives by the second intifada in September 2000. Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s plan to withdraw all permanent military and security structures and dismantle all settlements within the Gaza Strip and return the territory to PNA control was completed in September 2005, although Israel maintains control over air space, and land and sea borders and continues to launch military operations within Gaza. See “Gaza Strip.” CIA. 14 June 2007. The World Factbook. 19 June 2007

Bethlehem A city in the West Bank, about 10 kilometers south of Jerusalem. Home to the Church of the Nativity, the city is of particular significance for Christians who believe it is the birthplace of Jesus Christ. Est. population 30,000, the vast majority of whom are Palestinian.

Qalqilia Palestinian City located in the Northwest of the West Bank, bordering Israel along the Green Line. The city is encircled by the separation barrier. Est. population 45,000.

Jenin Palestinian city in the northern West Bank in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Est. population 35,000.

Refers to Ayalon's and Nusseibeh's "People's Voice Initiative," see http://www.hashd.org/english/index.htm.

Labor Party Mifleget Avodah in Hebrew. One of two major political parties in Israel that tends toward the center-left of the political spectrum, it emerged from the labor Zionist movement in the 1930s. Its leaders include many of the principal founders of the State of Israel, including the first Israeli Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion. Founded on socialist and Zionist principles, it dominated the Israeli government until 1977. Labor became the leading Israeli political party favoring territorial compromise for peace, and was the party that first officially recognized the PLO when Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres signed the Declaration of Principles and launched the Oslo Peace Process with Yasser Arafat in 1993. See online “Israel Labor Party.” Knesset. 7 September 2007. http://www.knesset.gov.il/faction/eng/FactionPage_eng.asp?PG=0

Kibbutz Kissufim is located near the Gaza border. A kibbutz is a community established by and for Jews based on communal property, in which members have no private property but share the work and the profits of some collective enterprise, typically agricultural but sometimes also industrial. Initially founded in Ottoman Palestine on socialist ideals and currently located by and large in Israel, many kibbutzim (plural for kibbutz) have become privatized in the last few decades.

Beer Sheeva A city in the south of Israel in the Negev Desert, with a population of approximately 200,000. It is Israel’s fourth largest city and home to Ben Gurion University.

The Karni terminal is the main border crossing point between Israel and the Gaza Strip.

Rafah Palestinian city in the southern part of the Gaza Strip near the Egyptian border. Est. population including bordering refugee camps 130,000.

The World Health Organization (WHO) is the United Nations specialized agency for health. See http://www.who.int/en/.

Separation Barrier Also termed the “wall, separation wall, security fence and Apartheid Wall”, and “annexation wall,” by some. A long structure of connected walls and fences that separates Israel from parts of the West Bank, and restricts the movement of Palestinians from the West Bank into Israel. It runs both along the Green Line and within the West Bank. Critics and proponents disagree over the intent behind the structure, its route, and its name. Begun in 2002 as an alleged reaction to the violence of the second intifada, its construction is still in progress. Israel claims security concerns necessitate its construction, and cite decreases in suicide bombings within Israel since its construction as proof that the structure is both effective and required. Opponents claim the structure is an attempt to annex occupied Palestinian territory and unilaterally define future borders. They also maintain that the route of the barrier steals privately owned land, and makes certain Palestinian villages and cities economically unviable. Israel has modified some of the routes in response to an Israeli High Court of Justice ruling as well as in response to international pressure, but the route is still disputed. The debate over its legality was flamed after the International Court of Justice (ICJ) issued an advisory opinion declaring it a breach of international law. See Kershner, Isabel. Barrier: The Seam of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. For online statistics and analysis see “Separation Barrier.” B’Tselem. 9 November 2007 http://www.btselem.org/English/Separation%5FBarrier/

Occupation The “Occupation” is used to refer to Israel’s military control of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza Strip. It may also refer to Israel’s occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights, although the territory was annexed by Israel in 1981. International legal bodies do not recognize the annexation. See “Occupied Palestinian Territories.”

Galilee The northern region of Israel.

Refers to Arab/Palestinian citizens of Israel.

French Hill is neighborhood located in northeast Jerusalem.

Refers to the notion that the Land of Israel was promised in the Bible as the religious and geographic homeland of the Jewish people, a notion held by some Israelis, Jews and others.

Refers to the US-led invasion of Iraq in the spring of 2003 and the ensuing war.

Ariel Sharon Refers to Ariel Sharon (1928-) Prime Minister of Israel, March 2001-present. Member of the Likud Party. Israeli Minister of Defense during the Lebanon War from 1981 to 1983, when he resigned after a government commission found him indirectly responsible for the September 1982 massacre of Palestinians at the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps by Lebanese Christian Phalangist militias. Other positions held by Ariel Sharon include: Minister of Agriculture from 1977-1981, Minster of Trade and Industry from 1984-1990, and Foreign Minister from 1998-1999. Sharon held the position of Minister of Construction and Housing from 1990-1992, which witnessed the "biggest building drive in Jewish settlements in the West Bank and Gaza since Israel occupied the territories in 1967." While Sharon was referred to by many as the "father of the settlement movement," he initiated and oversaw the withdrawl of all Israeli settlers from the Gaza strip in the summer of 2005. See Ariel Sharon Encyclopædia Britannica. 2004 Encyclopædia Britannica Online http://search.eb.com/eb/article?tocId=9067159 Also see the BBC profile of Ariel Sharon http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/1154622.stm.

Refers to the signatory parties involved in the Oslo Process. While the agreement was between the Israeli government and the PLO, the Israeli government was led at the time by the Labor Party while the dominant faction in the PLO was Yasser Arafat's Fatah.

Likud Party Hebrew for “union”. One of two traditional political parties in Israel, founded in 1973. Likud tends toward the conservative, center-right of the political spectrum. The Likud grew out of the “Revisionist” movement of Ze’ev Jabotinsky as the main right-wing opposition to the dominant Labor Zionist Movement and Labor Party. Its early leaders, such as Yitzhak Shamir and Menachem Begin, had roots in the Stern Gang and Irgun—two organizations that employed militant tactics against the British and occasionally Arab inhabitants during the time of the British Mandate. Likud was ideologically committed to establishing Jewish sovereignty over all of British Mandatory Palestine and, until recently, ideologically opposed to any territorial compromise with the Palestinians (“Land for Peace”). Its first electoral victory came in 1977. Likud Prime Minister Menachem Begin, during the first Likud mandate, signed a peace treaty with Egypt, which involved Israeli military and civilian withdrawal from the Sinai Peninsula following the “Land for Peace” model. Begin subsequently launched the War of 1982, with Ariel Sharon serving as Minister of Defense. In 1991 Likud Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir headed the Israeli negotiation team at the Madrid Conference, spearheading Arab-Israeli direct negotiations. More recent Likud leaders, such as Benjamin Netanyahu, have led neo-liberalist economic measures. Dispute over Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip in August 2005 led Likud Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to leave the party and establish the Kadima (Hebrew, “forward”) party, which rivaled the Likud and won in the 2006 elections. See online “Likud.” Knesset. 7 September 2007. http://www.knesset.gov.il/faction/eng/FactionPage_eng.asp?PG=13

With the signing of the Oslo Accords, the framework for agreement and negotiations based on the Madrid talks of 1991 (of which the US was a major and mediator sponsor) were replaced. For example, see: "Secret Diplomacy Overtakes Peace Process Begun in Madrid, Agence France Presse, 1 Sept 1993.

This interview was conducted in March of 2005. During that time, an expanded cease-fire was in place between the Israeli and Palestinian sides.