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Interview with Eliyahu McLean

Please tell me a little about your personal history and how you came to be involved in peace work.

My mother is a Jew from New York and my father is the son of a protestant minister. I come from a long line of protestant pastors and missionaries, going back hundreds of years. I grew up in Hawaii on the island of Oahu. My parents raised me with a very universal ideology, trying to find the commonality in all the world’s religions. I could relate to those teachings, but I wanted a sense of my own identity. The only Jewish connection my family had was that we lit Hanukah candles,1 and my mother cooked borscht2 and said “oy gevalt.3 When I was 12, my friend invited me to his Bar Mitzvah. I said, “Hmm. I have exactly one year. I could have a Bar Mitzvah too.” I studied for a whole year, and had my Bar Mitzvah. My Jewish grandfather, zichrono l'vracha,4 gave me the name Eliyahu. Before that, my name was Olan, and my nickname at school was Oscar.

After I graduated from high school I spent a year in Israel on the Young Judea Year Course,5 then went to study at the University of California in Berkeley. I was already speaking Hebrew. I wasn’t a right-winger, but I was passionate about Israel. I lived in a Zionist6 Young Judea co-op. I became co-chair of the Israel Action Committee on the Berkeley campus. I was to organize guest lectures, movies, speakers, anything to raise awareness of Israel and her needs. Through becoming an Israel activist, I started to have to deal with some of the anti-Israel activities on campus. There was an initiative called Measure J, to make Berkeley a sister city with Jabalia Refugee Camp.7 I was on the “No on J” campaign, because Jabalia was a center for Hamas8 and militants. However, through that process I met the “Yes on J” people, so I started to hear another side to the story, which I simply wasn’t aware of. I was sent [by the Israel Action Committee on the Berkeley campus] to spy in on a class called Palestine, a class devoted to Palestinian history--’48,9 ’6710 -- the Palestinian narrative. I started to hear the Palestinian narrative on everything I had been defending as an Israel activist. I really started to question a lot of the assumptions I was spouting.

Can you give an example of some of the assumptions you had before hearing the Palestinian narrative?

The narrative that Israel was a land without people for people without a land; not knowing that there were indigenous people here before. The attitude that there was just a handful of Arabs and everyone else who’s here now came from the outside. The 1948 War,11 and the aftermath of the war; the typical Israeli narrative is that all the Arabs just fled completely of their own will and volition. I started to learn about what Israel did systematically to forcibly expel people--Deir Yassin,12 some of the massacres that took place. Now it’s called “Post Zionist Historiography,” having a critical look at the history of ’48 and ’67. I knew that a lot of what they were spouting was also propaganda, but at least I was able to hear the other side. I decided to go back to Israel for another year, and that was the year that I became sort of an activist.

I became disillusioned with the Zionist narrative and fascinated with Arab culture and Arabic. I went to Hebrew University and studied Palestinian spoken Arabic. When Measure J failed in Berkeley, the group tried to make UC Berkeley a sister university with Bethlehem University. That measure passed. I remember listening to those debates at the UC Berkeley student senate. I was ambivalent. I remember thinking, what’s so wrong with establishing a connection with students at Bethlehem University? I had already begun to be called a fence sitter, trying to listen in as an Israel activist. I visited Bethlehem University. I made friends with a student there and he brought me to his home in Dheisheh Refugee Camp.13 I went back to Hebrew University and started bringing Jewish students to the refugee camp and Bethlehem University. That began my work of crossing boundaries. I was fascinated. I wanted to learn everything. I was learning Arabic, traveling all over the West Bank,14 and getting way into it.

The Gulf War15 hit, and I needed money because our program was cancelled. I got a job at Jerusalem City Hall as a construction worker and I lived with Palestinian Muslim construction workers from Hebron.16 I started to practice Arabic, but when I was living with them I sort of got the feeling that I was trying so hard to identify with them, that I was almost trying to become Palestinian. I was so fascinated by it, and I was fed up with the way Israel was acting. I started feeling a little alienated. I thought, “What else is there?” I ended up at the same time studying in a yeshiva17 called the Israelite Yeshiva in the Jewish Quarter of the Old City.18 I would work construction during the day, and at 5 pm I would take a shower and rush over and the whole evening would be studying Jewish mysticism, Kabbalah, Torah, Chumash.19 I was in two worlds, even then.

I was asking, what is the spiritual underpinning, what does Judaism have to say? I started opening up to ideas about Hashem20 and truth and God. When the Gulf War was over, I went to Egypt. I studied Islam, and spent a lot of time in a mosque. I ended up praying in a Muslim prayer line. I wasn’t really conscious of it but I technically became a Muslim. I said the necessary words.21 At the time I said, “Who am I to say Mohammed is not a prophet? Why not?” I was searching for truth. I was invited to a traditional Sufi22 gathering, with Egyptian Muslim Sufis dressing in white robes, chanting and swaying. It was a very, very profound experience for me. I spent a long time there and I was really drawn to Islam, it was a beautiful path. But there was a voice in my head calling me back to Israel.

From that point onwards all of my work was dedicated to bridge building. When I went back to Berkeley, instead of being involved in a pro-Israel action committee, I helped revive a group that was called Tzedek,23 Jews for Social Justice, doing black-Jewish dialogue, and I became very active in Jewish-Arab dialogue. My heart and soul longed to come back [to Israel].

This time I ended up working as a goat herder in the Galilee24 for a religious Jewish mountain man. I spent a lot of time in meditation out in the fields of the lower Galilee, and felt like I could connect with the tradition. That’s when I started wrapping t’fillin,25 and started growing my peyot,26 I always tuck them back. That was in 1994. I also spent a lot of time with Shlomo Carlebach,27 before he passed away. He was a big influence. I would watch how he interacted with people and helped them return to their roots, and how he respected anyone of any religion who came to him. He always said you have to have “holy chutzpah.”28

What does that mean to you--what did you learn from Shlomo Carlebach?

Having the audacity to stand up and do the right thing in the world. I interpreted that to mean that you have to have holy chutzpah to work for peace. Sometimes it takes chutzpah to work for holiness, and holiness to me is peace and understanding.

There was an organization called Interns for Peace,29 so I applied and was accepted and was sent to live in a Muslim Arab city in the Galilee called Tamra.30

What did you do with Interns for Peace?

I was supposed to work in the community center and implement programs with high school students. I worked on a project with five Jewish and five Arab community centers from towns in the Western Galilee region. I was the counselor for 40 Muslim Arab teenagers, and I was meant to help organize multi-cultural programming. I will never forget when I was welcomed into Tamra, this Galilee Arab village, by a Palestinian from Gaza who was part of the Interns organization. He gave me the name El Khader, the Arabic name which is equivalent to Eliyahu, Elijah.

Tell me about Interns for Peace--does it still exist?

They do exist, but they’re not nearly what they once were. I was involved with Interns when it was on its last little blip. In the ’70s, Interns used to send 10 to 20 mostly American Jewish people to live for a full year in an Arab, Muslim city in Israel to become trained in Arab-Jewish coexistence work. It was one of the first organizations to do something like this. A lot of the graduates of Interns for Peace are now the heads of big organizations: Arik Ascherman of Rabbis for Human Rights31 lived in Tamra. Gershon Baskin of IPCRI,32 Sarah Kreimer, the founder of the Center for Arab Jewish Economic Development.33 A lot of us were trained with Interns for Peace.

It wasn’t an easy time for me, to be honest. Usually they sent a group, but I was the only Jew who went that year. They sent me to live with a young Bruderhoff (a branch of the Mennonites that live in Pennsylvania and do peace work), who didn’t speak a word of Hebrew or Arabic. I ended up having to translate, and he left early. So I was alone, and I had to leave after three months. I ended up in Jerusalem and I’ve been living in Jerusalem ever since.

I got involved in a dialogue project in Nablus.34 We were doing a dialogue project called “transformation of suffering,” bringing 30 Israelis each month into Nablus to workshops to go through the suffering we were both experiencing. It took place in the Palestinian Women’s and Reiki Center35 in Nablus. Did you know there was a Reiki center in Nablus? I’ll never forget a husky Palestinian guy with a big mustache looking like a PLO36 official talking about having the “universal energy come through your hands.” I thought, “Am I in California or am I in Nablus?!”

Why don’t you give me a brief overview of all the projects you’re involved in?

There was a Palestinian participant from Gaza [in the Nablus project] who was an activist in Fatah37 Youth during the first intifada.38 He had a Peace and Friendship Center in Gaza and wanted to start a parallel project in Gaza. We started an Israeli-Palestinian Gaza City dialogue project. I used to bring groups of Israelis into Gaza and on our first trip at each dialogue an Israeli would tell their story to a Palestinian and a Palestinian would tell their story to an Israeli. Then in the larger group the Palestinian would tell the Israeli’s story, and vice versa.

Who participated in that program?

Mostly people who were interested in meeting Palestinians were inclined to go. But I’ll never forget there was one young man who had been a soldier on the streets of Gaza just a few months before, because the intifada had just ended and the PLO was starting to move in.39 There was a window of opportunity. So we brought this Israeli soldier into Gaza City, and he was hosted by a young man who used to organize stone throwing against the soldiers. He was being led through the streets that he used to patrol as a soldier. He recognized those streets and he was overcoming his post-traumatic-stress-disorder by trying to go back there. I’ll never forget when a Palestinian policeman who was sent to protect us took his beret off and put it on the head of the Israeli soldier and took his PLO button off and put it on his jacket.

This project was so successful that some of the young people said, “We don’t want to just do dialogue, we want to do a project.” Kibbutz Ketura40 has an environmental studies program, so we organized a big thing with PIES, the Palestinian-Israeli Environmental Secretariat,41 Kibbutz Ketura and our dialogue group. We had a Gaza Beach clean-up day, with 70 people, and we cleaned up a huge stretch of beach with Israeli and Palestinian and international youth. That was a huge success.

At the same time, I was at Yakar,42 a modern orthodox Jewish liberal think tank, learning and seminar center in Katamon in Jerusalem. Yakar hired me to help start a new teacher training project called the Jewish Muslim Bet Midrash.43 I organized a project to bring Jewish and Muslim high school teachers together to study Islamic and Jewish texts together. The teachers were from East and West Jerusalem, Abu Ghosh,44 around Jerusalem. Most of the Jewish teachers were teachers of Arabic, so a lot of the classes were in Arabic. They didn’t do the dialogue; they actually wanted to go straight to the real work. They didn’t have to do the introductory stuff that most people have to do. We could go very deep very fast. It was a highly successful project and even after I left Yakar it went on for 3 or 4 years.

I also work closely with the Compassionate Listening Project and Leah Green.45 On a few of their tours I was their guide around the country. So I said, “you’ve been listening to too much suffering,” after two weeks of compassionate listening you get pretty depressed. You can imagine, there’s so much suffering here on all sides, and you’re just compassionately listening. I said, “let me bring you to a sheikh.” So I brought them to the home of a Sufi sheik I knew in the West Bank, and he told them a story.

“Ten years ago during the time of the first intifada, the only Jews I knew were soldiers at road blocks. I went to go pray at the tomb of Nebi Musa46 near Jericho.”47 He apparently had a vision of the prophet Moses, who spoke to him out of a body of light and said, “In the future many Jews and Christians are going to seek your wisdom and advice. Welcome them into your home as if they were members of your own family.” But he thought it must be the deceiving voice of Allah, the Shatan,48 because he only knew soldiers. He thought, “How could this be, I must be going crazy or there’s some devil.” Fast-forward ten years, as he’s telling the story, now he has a group of Christians and Jews coming to seek his wisdom and advice. All of a sudden it dawned on him that the prophecy had come true, and he burst into tears. The whole Compassionate Listening tour group came up and gave him a big hug.

From that moment I became the sheikh’s booking agent. I started to take him to all these festivals, Shantiki and Boombamela,49 to speak about Islam as a vision of peace. Shortly after I met him, Yossi Klein HaLevi50 was writing a book about Christian, Muslim and Jewish mystics. He grew up the son of Holocaust survivors and in the Jewish Defense League,51 and wanted to overcome his own reservations with the non-Jews he was raised to fear and hate. The sheikh introduced Yossi and me to a whole network of indigenous Palestinian Sufi sheikhs from the West Bank and Gaza. Our adventures among the Sufis became the subject of Yossi’s book, At the Entrance to the Garden of Eden.52 Because I had studied Sufism and Islam those years before, I felt that I could speak the language of religious Muslims, and because of the fact that I studied in an orthodox yeshiva, I could speak the language of the Hasidim53 and the religious Jews, and do bridge building work.

Recently I have been working closely with Abdel Azziz Bukhari,54 who lived in America for 20 years and was in the hippy movement for a while. He lives in the Old City and we have become very close friends. He is a Nakhshbandi sheikh and his family is originally from Uzbekistan. I bring people to visit him because he lived in America and he’s very open. He is from a long line of Sufi sheikhs. One of the things we do together is organize prayer gatherings at shared holy places like Nebi Samuel,55 which is holy to Muslims and Jews. I often bring people to his home, which is like a second home to me. From his rooftop on the Via Dolorosa,56 you see Al Aksa57 and out his front door is the first station of the cross.58 His neighbors are the Khaderiyya and the Afakhani Sufis, this is a huge Sufi center. If you go to his house on a Thursday night you will hear a hundred Sufis chanting at the top of their lungs in the heart of the old city. I introduced Sheikh Abu Saleh59 to Rabbi Fruman,60 and they became like twin brothers.

In the last few years, a lot of what I’ve done is helped organize gatherings. We started a new tarika,61 called Tarikat Ibrahimi, the Tarika of Abraham, Derech Avraham.62 Rabbi Alberto Arbiv,63 a Conservative rabbi in Tel Aviv, and Avi El Kayam,64 a Jewish professor from Tel Aviv University, approached me because I knew the Sufis. One of my business cards should read “dial a sheikh.” We did a big meeting at Neve Shalom65 where we had rabbis and sheikhs praying together. We did zikr66 with Rabbi Fruman and Dov Maimon.67

When the intifada68 started we started the Old City peace vigil above the Western Wall69 with people from different religions praying for peace. We met every single Friday consistently until about two or three months ago. We ran out of steam, it was hard to keep it going, so we’re not still doing it. But for 3 1/2 years, every week was an interfaith gathering with Palestinian Muslims coming, soldiers coming by-sometimes soldiers would say, “It should only be that your prayers should succeed, I don’t want to be here anymore.”

I was also director of an organization called Peacemaker Community.70 The idea was to form a network linking and connecting a lot of disparate, spiritually oriented peace and interfaith projects. Each year the Peacemaker Community Poland branch organizes a bearing witness retreat in Auschwitz71 in Poland. I brought a Bedouin72 Muslim Imam with me to Auschwitz. They base themselves in what are called the three tenets: 1) not knowing, 2) bearing witness, and 3) loving action. Part of the problem in the Middle East is that everybody “knows,” to such an extent that no one will listen to anyone else who also knows. Everybody is so certain. Rabbi David Hartman called Israel a “tyranny of certitudes.”73 I think it’s true.

When Peacemaker Community stopped I started working last year in a freelance capacity for different organizations. I help strengthen big gatherings. For example, with the organization Shvil Zahav,74 which does monthly peace walks. This week they did a huge peace walk in the West Bank with 100 Arabs and Jews. They walk in a spiritual way, silently in a single file line for two to seven days at a time, handing out little flyers that say what the message is. It’s not a protest, not a march, but a silent walk in mindful meditation with Arabs and Jews. When I join that I always bring people.

Two and a half years ago Gabi Meyer75 and I worked together to organize the first sulha.76 That was a Hanukah, Christmas, Ramadan77 celebration in the Galilee where we had a talking circle with an olive branch as a talking peace. Jews prepared the Ramadan meal for the Muslims, and Muslims and Christians lit Hanukah candles. That grew to 600 people the next summer, and last summer to 1500 people. We’re hoping for over 2000 people this summer.78 So I’m involved in the sulha gatherings now. I work as a tour guide, Sufi, new-age groups come to meet religious peacemakers. I bring them all over the country, to the Galilee, the Negev,79 Jerusalem.

Another project I organized that morphed out of the Peacemaker Community was the Jerusalem Circle. Every Friday, activists from many different projects and organizations in the Jerusalem area gathered just to be together, to network. I know many people in many projects who don’t know what each other are doing, so the idea was just to gather and sit and share some music and food. Almost inevitably some new idea came out of every meeting. A lot of what I do is as a shiduch maker,80 to say, “You should know that person, you should get together with that person.” A lot of new projects that are happening now, I’m not directly involved with, but I know I helped seed them.

I asked Reb Zalman Schachter81 if there was any initiation, any bracha, any smicha, any hasmacha,82 any recognition in the Jewish tradition for Jewish peacemaking, Jewish peace activism, Jewishly inspired peace work-work that is not just political in nature but that integrates the very principles we study in the tradition, in an activist way. There is so much going on in the States, Michael Lerner and the Tikkun community,83 Brit Tzedek V’Shalom,84 and a lot of rabbis are doing great work. There’s Rabbis for Human Rights here, but that’s more like human rights work. What about peace work, bridge building work? So Reb Zalman Schachter developed a new initiation called “Rodef Shalom,” Pursuer of Peace. I spent a day with him and he gave a personal blessing and put his hands on me like in a rabbinic ordination. He wrote up some official looking documents in English, Hebrew and Arabic.

What does the “Pursuer of Peace” distinction mean to you?

Maybe in certain Orthodox circles this might not mean anything because it’s not an official smicha, but it’s definitely an affirmation and acknowledgement of the work that I’m doing. Part of the problem is that what I’m doing does not have an official title or role. Even though I’ve been “Director of the Peacemaker Community,” that still doesn’t really describe what I do, so this is the closest kind of affirmation and support.

But the powerful thing about this Rodef Shalom initiation is that Reb Zalman Schachter encouraged and empowered me to train others, so I’m actually developing a training program for Jewish peacemakers. I have a number of people in the States-- one is in graduate school and the other is studying to be a Reconstructionist85 rabbi-- who want to be a Rodef Shalom. I’m working on how to structure it-what would be the credentials, what can someone in North America do, would it be activism related to Israel, or would it be a Jewish person doing any tikkun olam86 work anywhere in the world? When I talked to Reb Zalman, right away he said they should have to study Arabic and spend some time working in a conflict region. Those were the first things he said, automatically. So that is sort of a personal thing I do in addition to other ongoing projects.

For someone who doesn’t know anything at all about this conflict, why do you think what you’re doing is important?

I like the way Rabbi Menachem Fruman from Tekoa puts it. He often says, “I am a proud primitive.” The problem is that the negotiations that happen in Washington or in Europe are between English speaking academic Palestinians and English speaking academic Israelis. They don’t incorporate any of the people-to-people approach, the grassroots elements. They leave out the religious and spiritual dimension, which is often missing from statecraft. We’re trying to reclaim the indigenous tools of Middle Eastern peace wisdom-- the sulha, text study-- tools found within Islam and Judaism in particular, but of course also in Christianity and in all the traditions here. Spirituality deals with the trans-rational level, the non-rational world, with spiritual ideals. Sometimes if you try to approach this conflict only from a rational point of view, you don’t get anywhere; it’s almost like deadlock.

I’m trying to approach the chaos and the conflict that seem to be completely unsolvable by getting out of the box of the usual ways of trying to approach this conflict-both in peace activism and in the official governmental level peace talks. I’m trying to bring in this other dimension. This is the Holy Land, and it’s not the Holy Land for nothing. If you try to approach people-the simple Palestinians on the street, the vendors, falafel stand owners, taxi drivers, bus drivers-many of them, on both sides, if you try to approach things purely from a political, rational level, you won’t get anywhere. But if you bring in the spiritual dimension, I find that sometimes you can make bridges in amazing ways.

You can have a settler87 rabbi and a Hamas sheikh working together for peace, because they’re speaking a common spiritual language even though they’re coming from diametrically opposed political points of view. I like to say that spirituality is trying to find the underlying place of unity between contradictory opposites, places where there might be a resonance and a commonality between two opposing sides, even settler and angry Palestinian, or Left wing and Right wing. It’s almost like in this world, things are divided, but the place from which everyone originates, the ultimate place, is a place of unity. So the idea is to remind people that our source is the same source. We come from the same source, whether you call it a monotheistic God, or the Native American Great Spirit, or the Great Buddha, or whatever. I want to tap into the field of energy, the place of unity where people come from.

I like to honor people’s devotion. People who are passionate about the Land of Israel, passionate about the Land of Palestine, might say, “Our passions clash.” I say, “What unites you is that you are both so passionate and devoted to this land.” It might have different terms, but if we can redirect that energy from an exclusive worldview to an inclusive one, then we can direct people’s passion and maybe find a place of meeting and coming together.

What are the obstacles to, in your words, ”finding a place of meeting” between people?

Both societies are committing violence-Israel sending in missiles to kill Hamas leaders and Hamas sending in bombers. Ibrahim Abu El Hawal88 from the Mount of Olives,89 with whom I also work, says, “God chose two of the most stubborn people in the world, the Arabs and the Jews, to live in this land.” We both refuse to budge. We are two deeply wounded peoples sharing this land. We act out of wounded-ness and fear, not what’s really in our best interest, and in fact we make the wounds deeper. We Israelis are traumatized by our history, the Shoah,90 the Holocaust. Palestinians have been displaced and traumatized. You can’t talk rationality to someone who’s traumatized. I think it’s a huge obstacle, the collective national traumas that we are both oozing, and it’s perpetuating the way we behave.

The key is how to break that cycle. I think we’re all looking for how to break that cycle. It’s frustrating for all of us who are working for peace. Sometimes it feels like we are watching all of our efforts go for naught.

What makes you feel doubtful?

When I see what Sharon did yesterday.91 It just set us back. On the leadership level, things don’t seem to be improving. A lot of times when I give talks I say there are so many great things happening on the ground. People ask, “But how are you changing the leadership?” Sometimes it feels like nothing is really getting through to them, they’re only making things worse. And at the same time, we’re the ones who elect them!

One thing I have learned in this work, and this is something that I call having a spiritual perspective, is to let go of attachment to results. Just to do the work because it’s the right thing to do, even if things are a thousand times worse than they are today, and not to be attached to what happens. It’s hard not to be attached, is it not? Just to let go of attachment, of the idea that my work is going to result in X.

You just said one of your goals is not to be attached to goals, but have you seen small successes along the way?

Yeah, absolutely. It’s those little successes that actually keep me going. Maybe I’m talking about letting go of attachment to the bigger change. Definitely as humans, we need something to give us hope. The peace vigil we held for 3 1/2 years every week was a success, holding a gathering in downtown Baghdad92 was a huge success, as was sitting with Rabbi Fruman and the Hamas sheikh in Hebron who is now working for peace. This Hamas sheikh had a huge opening of the heart through the love of this rabbi, and now he’s working day and night for understanding.

Can you talk about these two people a little bit? How you brought them together?

I brought Rabbi Fruman together with the Sufi Sheikh, not with the Hamas Sheikh. But I have gotten to know both of them…

Do you ever get discouraged?

Absolutely. Who doesn’t, doing this work? I think yesterday was actually one of the most discouraging days. I was so optimistic after this amazing Baghdad meeting. There’s an Arab tribal leader whom I meet in Amman who told me about the assassination, and we had established such a rapport, and my heart just sank.

Why was it upsetting to you that Sheikh Yassin was assassinated?

It was upsetting to me because it’s execution without a trial. Basically Israel’s assassination policy in general is upsetting to me. Israel has arrested and captured a lot of militants--there are ways to do it without killing people. Ahmed Yassin was old and in a wheel chair, but he was the spiritual leader of Hamas, so there is an argument that people make in support of the assassination.

Several people I’ve known have been killed in suicide bombings--not people I have known well, but people whose families I know. One guy was an Israeli Vipasana Buddhist meditator, Alon Goldenberg,93 a hippy guy with dreadlocks I used to dance with. He was on a bus in Wadi Arah,94 and he was killed by a suicide bomber. I went to sit with his parents in Yaffo.95 His father is a fisherman. After two hours of talking about Alon and his life and everything they had gone through, they said, “So by the way, what kind of work do you do?” To be honest I felt kind of ashamed in that context to say I work with Arabs, with Palestinians, for peace and understanding. I didn’t know what his father thought. A year later we met again at the unveiling of Alon’s tombstone at the cemetery near Tel Aviv. As we were standing over Alon’s grave, his father asked, “Eliyahu, are you still working with the Arabs?” I said, “Yeah,” and I thought, “Okay, here it comes, what’s he going to say, and over his son’s grave, too.” He said these words that I hold with me to this day, that I think of when you ask if I get discouraged. He said, “Eliyahu, I’m counting on you.”

Responding with love, harmony, bridge building, has to be the answer, just to keep plugging away. Sometimes I think maybe in our generation there won’t be peace. But it may be that in two or three generations, when “the great peace” breaks out, they will look back at our work--the projects of people you are interviewing, the projects I’m doing, the radio station,96 Givat Haviva97 and all these other places--and say it’s because even in the times of darkness and chaos they held the flame of light, that today we have peace.

Somehow I almost have this intuitive feeling that in the future that will be the case, but it’s hard right now when you don’t see the results, when you don’t see the fruits, and in fact, you’re working, working, building bridges of understanding, and here I’m talking about rabbis talking with Hamas sheikhs, and now the leader of Hamas has been killed. Where does all that work go? It seems like it goes out the window. So yes, I do get frustrated, I do get disappointed, I do get discouraged.

That Reb Shlomo98 idea of holy chutzpah keeps me going. You’ve got to have the chutzpah even though conventional wisdom is that peace is not going to happen. I mean, it takes a little chutzpah, a little audacity, to send a missile to kill someone in Gaza, wouldn’t you say? Doesn’t it also take a little chutzpah to take a 16-year-old kid, and pack him with explosives to kill himself? Isn’t it a bit chutzpadik?99 So can’t we also have a little holy chutzpah to work for peace? You have to have the same level of audacity to continue to believe and hold on to that vision even when all of this awful, depressing stuff is going on.

Have you faced criticism about your work?

Actually, sometimes I have gotten criticism. I was actually investigated by the Israeli undercover police when I was doing the Gaza project. They heard I was working with Palestinians from Gaza and I said, “But there are a lot of great people in Gaza, they’re my friends.” So they kind of criticized what I was doing, but that was more of an investigation. I wanted to play with them a little because they had come into my house late at night and knocked on the door in a very rude way and basically it was like an interrogation, but it wasn’t a serious one. As they were about to leave and they were assured that everything was okay, I said, “You’re welcome to come to our workshops in Gaza. We need people like you in our workshops. They said, “If we go in we’ll never make it out alive.” They were standing up putting their jackets on, getting ready to leave, and I jumped out and shouted “Gaza!” at them, and they said, “Ahh!!” I got them. They were scared shitless, literally scared shitless. I got them back.

Sometimes right here in my neighborhood I get hassled by my own circle of friends. I have friends in different circles. I have a lot of religious, Zionist Ba’al Tshuva100 friends, I know a lot of West Bank settlers, Hebron hilltop youth101 types, students at Bat Ayin Yeshiva102 in the West Bank. Not all of them know about the work I do, because I only reveal what I do to somebody who has the vessel, to people who are ready to receive.

Most of my friends in those circles know what I do. A lot of times I find I have a different level of legitimacy because I’ve made the decision to live in Israel; I’ve made aliyah.103 I’m a Jew living in Jerusalem-- that gives me a certain standing of legitimacy. When I go abroad I hear a lot of right wing, cynical, antagonistic voices. It’s hard for them to dismiss me because I’m religious, shomer Shabbat,104 and living in Jerusalem. What more credentials do you need than that? I also find that a lot of the radical West Bank young people, the hilltop youth, have an appreciation for the radicalism. What I’m doing is in a sense so radical, that they almost respect the fact that I’m doing this work, even if they disagree. I have one friend though who often says, “You’re a tool of the Arabs, you’re just naive, you’re being used to promote their propaganda,” that kind of thing.

My work is not politically oriented, does not promote a specific political agenda, even though I have my own personal beliefs that would probably be considered more to the left. People always ask me if I’m right wing or left wing and I always say, “It takes two wings to fly.” I hang out with settlers and spend Shabbat in the settlements, and I hang out with Palestinians and work for peace and understanding with Palestinians.

Tich Nhat Hanh105 says, “I am the pirate and I am the rapist and I am the raped. I am the criminal and I am the police…” I really try to hold the whole picture, and that includes the experience of the hilltop youth and the right-wing settlers, and the experience of the disenfranchised refugee and the Palestinian who supports Hamas. That seems like an almost impossible place to be politically-where does that leave you? But I think that’s where my spiritual roots come in, to somehow be able to hold all of that and then to organize meetings, events, projects that somehow connect to that. The Sulha has a flavor of that, bringing in people from different sides.

On some days, like when I was in Baghdad, I felt very Zionistic. I felt that with this much hatred in the Arab world, yes, we do need a homeland, we do need to defend ourselves. When I heard what Israel was doing in Gaza, I felt like an anti-Zionist. I always find myself swinging between both and end up coming back to trying to sort of hold it all.

Have you gotten people from those very extreme sides together?

Yes, on an individual level, just in my house. Coming over for Shabbat dinner I’ve had this guy who’s definitely one of the hilltop youth. He’s been arrested in Hebron--even in Hebron106 he’s considered a radical--and he considers Baruch Goldstein107 to be a saint. He gave me a big hug once when we were bringing a group to Hebron, and one of my left wing activist friends said, “What, you’re talking to that guy?! How could you?!” I’m able to maintain friendships on all sides of the fence. It’s kind of hard to explain, but it’s bridge building work. That guy met Palestinians in my home. He would say, “Oh yeah, I know Arabs.” A lot of the settlers will say, “I have a favorite Arab” or something like that. There are a lot of contradictions, and nothing is black and white. There is no “settlers are this and Palestinians are this.” Across the spectrum there’s no black and white; reality is much more complex, much more diverse, much more interesting.

What are you trying to achieve through your relationships with people who hold extreme ideologies, such as the person who considers Baruch Goldstein a hero?

What can I gain with them? It’s a good question, and I always ask myself that. I have a heart connection with some of these people. I guess I hope that by knowing me it’s not so easy for them to dismiss the humanity in Palestinians. I guess I’m as radical as they are, from a certain perspective. They often say, “Kol ha Kavod.”108 They sometimes ask me questions that they wouldn’t ask a left wing protester. I don’t know if knowing me and what I do softens their political views, but it does mean they can’t just dismiss all Arabs. It opens up their worldview a little. Ultimately they say, “Well, we respect Eliyahu, and he respects the Arabs, so they can’t be all bad.” You know, I never asked them how knowing me affects their opinions about Arabs.

How far are you willing to push people, in the sense of trying to get them to hear each other’s perspectives?

Well, sometimes if dialogue can’t work-sometimes I find that straight, face to face dialogue about politics can’t work-we can sing together, pray together, dance together, or something like that. Sometimes doing something in a third way, bringing people together, like when Rabbi Menachem Fruman’s son was married six months ago, a sheikh came to the wedding and the sheikh got up and gave a blessing in Arabic and danced with hundreds of West Bank yeshiva settler students of the rabbi, dancing with the Sufi sheikh. That, to me, should be front-page news.

What do you think that accomplishes?

I think it helps humanize the other, and it helps break down stereotypes. Here’s a Muslim sheikh willing to come to our wedding, here are settlers willing to welcome me. It helps to break down stereotypes and boundaries and shows that in reality on the ground there’s much more interaction. We think there’s only conflict. Those are the explosive events that happen, but on the everyday level there is so much interaction even between, for example, the “militant right wing” and “angry Palestinians.” I think that if we could start to expose that more, that this is actually happening, that could help give people courage and hope to believe, well, this is how it should be. It already is on a small scale; let’s make this happen on a wider scale.

You talk a lot about bringing people with disparate viewpoints together.

People with extreme positions are the people you want to work with. Here’s a good example: Middleway109 organized a trip to settlers’ homes in Neve Dekalim in Gush Katif.110 We brought Arabs and left wing Israeli activists and had a listening circle and dialogue circle. That was definitely along the lines of bringing people with disparate viewpoints together.

What did you have to do to build trust with your group before the visit with settlers in Gaza?

Well we had to do a lot of work, especially for the Arabs who were going in. We had a whole circle just amongst ourselves, for two hours just before we went in to Gaza.

What came out during that conversation before the visit? What did people want to know before they went?

Well, I remember that Ibtisam111 for example, wanted to know if she could be honest and express her feelings on things. She wanted to know whether she would be silenced because she was in the home of a settler. She wanted to be sure she could speak her mind and that we could create a safe space. Another issue was whether we were supporting and honoring the settlers of Gush Katif just by being there, were we strengthening their cause. Our intention, and I think what came out of it, was acknowledging the humanity of people in situations of suffering--losing their homes. Even if politically everyone who came in there didn’t leave saying, “okay we want the settlers to stay” and the settlers didn’t say “okay we’re going to leave now,” there was a shared humanity in honoring each other that did come out of it, and I feel that was important.

Do you feel like you were, as you say, “supporting and honoring the settlers of Gush Katif” presence by visiting?

My personal feeling is that if I had gone to participate in a rally or a protest against disengagement in Gaza, that would be legitimizing, but this was a different way to come in and I feel like there was a level of integrity.

What gave this visit to Gaza integrity?

For one thing, having-- I wouldn’t say radically pro-Palestinian-- but definitely Israeli Arabs, Muslims who identify as Palestinians there with us, and there was a Bedouin Imam from the Galilee, Abu Amim, who brought a very powerful presence. It was a respectful dialogue. There was an acknowledgement and a feeling that in another six months we wouldn’t have this conversation, these houses may be evacuated.112 In that moment the path of empathy and compassion was greater than the slogans or the question of whether or not it’s politically correct to be there. The path of empathy for human beings is greater in any situation, on any side. For me it felt like that was the path of true peacemaking work. And there were definitely some Arabs even within the organization Middleway who said, “How could you go to Gush Katif?” there were others who questioned that. But when we were there it felt very powerful and something positive came out of it.

What came out of the meeting in Gaza?

I would say it was the first time any of those settlers had Arabs in their homes. Maybe they’d met with workers in Gaza, but they didn’t have Arabs in their home on an equal basis, acknowledging their humanity. Also, there was a lesson about not demonizing settlers in Gaza, even if we politically oppose them being there, not making any group into the “monster” no matter who they are…whether it’s Hamas or the settlers. That for me is an important thing.

How far does that go, when you talk about humanizing the other? Is there a limitation on that? Do you feel that you need to see some kind of reciprocal action in exchange?

I’m not sure. I wasn’t expecting that those settlers would commit to coming to a peace demonstration in Tel Aviv, or that they’d say they would come to the Sulha this summer. But they did find themselves having to modify their language. They would say something like “Am Yisrael-the people Israel” and there were Arabs there who were not part of Am Yisrael, so they had to open up their “we.” I saw one settler rabbi correct himself and use different language right on the spot. I don’t remember exactly what he said instead, “kol ha enoshut-all of humankind,” maybe.

Does it ever seem like a contradiction to have gained people’s trust and then orchestrate such a contentious meeting?

It does seem like a contradiction. It seems like a huge paradox. But it’s in the contradictions that peace should be made--the places that don’t fit into the neat categories. Reb Nachman113 says that peace is between the opposites. Arab peacemakers and settlers in Gaza definitely seem like opposites, but I think it comes down to finding the underlying place of unity and shared humanity.

Are you looking for a change in reality, or in opinion?

I’m not hoping for a change in opinion no, but a change in reality, yes. It’s the path of bearing witness, showing compassion for human beings, the path of empathy, listening to people in difficult situations. I’m not one of the main people at Middleway, but I am active there, and for years they’ve been doing peace walks in the West Bank and in Israeli cities. For me going to Gush Katif added another level of authenticity.

What’s the connection?

Going to bear witness to people in all sides of the conflict, putting oneself in the shoes of the other, again I am very influenced by Tich Nhat Hanh, who talks about being both the pirate and the raped. It’s not the usual peace activism of opposing the occupation-- which is also very important. I’m not saying this kind of work should be done instead of that-- this is another level or another approach. My goal is also to reach the right-wingers in Israel.

You talk about legitimizing people’s perspectives--how can you tell people who have such seemingly irreconcilable views that they are both right?

In Gush Katif it came up, there was a rabbi who was saying this is the Land of Israel and God gave it to us. Some of the Palestinians were really uncomfortable. Whatever the arguments are, having the settlers acknowledge the Arabs as equal human beings in their own homes was very significant to me, and it is also important to acknowledge the settlers as human beings and not demonizing them, whether you agree with them or disagree with them. Learning to listen is very important, especially here in Israel where people are so strident.

Could you talk about some of the mistakes you have made… things you would have done differently?

I made a real mistake about two weeks ago. I helped Rabbi Fruman organize a conference of religious leaders to discuss the Gay Pride March coming to Jerusalem next summer.114 I wasn’t fully conscious of what the implications would be. When I saw what some of the people said there, I was horrified. I should have at least said to Rabbi Fruman, “Well, I’m giving you my phone numbers, but here’s my opinion on the matter.”

Now there’s hatred for these people in progressive and gay circles all over the world. I did a search of newspapers all over the world and headlines said, “Clerics in Jerusalem Show Bigotry, Imams and Rabbis in Jerusalem unite against gay people.”115 I should have been more cautious. I’ve been in a kind of depression since that came out. These are some of the most moderate religious leaders on other issues--they’re people who are receiving flack for their interfaith work from radical leaders in their own communities, who are appearing on the front page of the New York Times as hateful and super conservative. I asked Reb Zalman what I should do and his opinion was that I should stay out of it, that I shouldn’t make it my issue. I just realized how vast that subject is. The conversation about gays in the religious community is light years behind talking about interfaith stuff.

Another mistake I made is not building in more retreats and time-outs into my work. I’m so much needed on the ground to make sure things follow through, I should have found more ways to share the burden and share the wealth. It’s hard to stay whole within myself and not be subsumed by the work. Those of us who are doing this work are so passionate, and our work is 24/7--the work is encountering people in every situation we’re in, not just at a dialogue circle, but at the Shabbat table and everywhere you meet people.

I also wish there were a way I could encourage other activists to let go of their egos a little bit and cooperate more with other projects. There are turf issues--we’re all competing for the same funders, so why not cooperate more? There’s this idea people have that “my way of doing peace work is the best way to go.” That really pushes my buttons and I find it really weakens the whole cause.

You talk a lot about your own spiritual quest. Is there a difference between your personal path and your peace work?

That’s a very good question. In terms of my personal path, I’m almost internal and private, and in my peace work I’m a public personality. People know me and recognize me. For myself, I could be fine being alone. I have both sides within myself. I am a very good schmoozer, and then there’s another side of me that’s happy not interacting with people at all. The peace work is really about connecting with people, but I have an ascetic side also.

Also, I feel that I have sacrificed living close to my family. Because I am here doing this work, I have given up being in more regularly contact with my parents and siblings. I try to build in a trip to the States once or twice a year.

Please tell me more about the peacemakers program you are setting up.

We’re starting this August116 at Elat Hayyim117 with a weeklong training program. That’s going to be a testing of the waters to see if there is interest. So far we’ve gotten a lot of interest. The idea is still being developed. We are exploring the idea of setting up a masters program with Mark Gopin at George Mason University, which would include a three month practicum here in Israel in which participants would work on setting up events such as the Sulha.

Who is it designed for?


Right now it’s specifically designed for Jews. Maybe later it will have an interfaith component. It is designed for activists who want to ground their work in Judaism.

Is it designed specifically for people who want to work on the Israeli Palestinian conflict?


There are two components: intrafaith, tensions within the Jewish community, namely the Orthodox and non-Orthodox, and interfaith, Jewish and Muslim. It will have a component of working in Israel, but people from Australia, the US and England have approached me wanting to participate. There are Jews and Muslims in all those places. They won’t necessarily be working directly in this conflict, but anywhere in the world the Israel issue enters into the relationship between different groups, be they Jews and Muslims, Orthodox and non-Orthodox, or radical leftists and rightists.

What can you teach people about this work when so much of it seems to be trial and error?

That’s a very good question. I was hesitant about doing anything for a long time because based on my own personal experience it is a lot of trial and error. But we’re not just teaching people how to be activists, we will be studying Jewish texts together and looking at theoretical texts from the field of peacemaking, doing prayer and spiritual work, and talking about how prayer within our traditions can guide us in doing peace work. The course is very much a work in progress.


Notes

We have done our best to provide accurate, fair yet succinct footnotes to help you navigate the interviews. Our research team comprises more than 6 individuals, including Palestinians, Israelis and North Americans. Still, we recognize that these notes cannot capture the full complexity of this contested conflict. Therefore, we encourage you to seek additional sources of information, we welcome your feedback and appreciate your openness.

Hanukah The eight-day Jewish holiday of Hanukah commemorates the rededication of the Jewish Temple in Jerusalem and the victory of the Jewish Macabees in their revolt against the Hellenistic Syrians in the Second Century B.C.E. The holiday of Hanukah usually falls in the month December.

Yiddish for broth. Refers to Eastern European beet soup.

Yiddish expression roughly corresponding to “Oh, no!” or “Oh, help!”

Hebrew meaning “of blessed memory.”

A 10-month program for recent Jewish-American high school graduates to live, study, and volunteer in Israel.

Zionism The belief that the Jewish people should have a national homeland, and refuge from persecution, in Israel. Supporters of this idea are called Zionists. The Zionist Movement took shape in Europe in the late 1800s with the First Zionist Conference in Basel, Switzerland. The movement advocated the ideology of Zionism, a national liberation ideology of the Jewish people with several strands, foremost being the establishment of a Jewish state within the biblical Land of Israel (Eretz Yisrael or Zion). Zionism has many manifestations, from religious to secular, each defining a distinct view of which land should be settled, and how it should be done. See http://www.mideastweb.org/zionism.htm

Jabalia Refugee Camp Located beside the village of Jabalia, north of Gaza City in the Gaza Strip. According to UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees), the registered refugee population of Jabalia Refugee Camp in June of 2002 was 103,646. For a brief profile of the Jabalia Refugee Camp see, http://www.un.org/unrwa/refugees/gaza/jabalia.html.

HAMAS (Arabic for “zeal” and an acronym for “Harakat al-Muqawamah al-Islamiyya” or “Islamic Resistance Movement”). Inspired ideologically and organizationally by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and founded in 1987 at the beginning of the first intifada, HAMAS’ long-term and declared aim is the destruction of the State of Israel in order to establish an Islamic state in all of the land of British mandatory Palestine. It is the largest Palestinian militant Islamist group. It uses political, social and militant means to further its goals, and claims responsibility for militant operations, including the use of suicide bombings that have killed hundreds of Israeli soldiers and civilians. The European Union and Israeli and American governments consider HAMAS to be a terrorist organization. Its followers view HAMAS as a legitimate force fighting against Israel’s occupation over Palestinian territories. HAMAS also provides charitable social and educational services, primarily in Gaza. It runs candidates in municipal elections and closed elections for university councils, trade union groups and nongovernmental organizations. The Israeli military has assassinated many of its political and military leaders in the last few years, including the spiritual leader and founder Sheikh Ahmad Isma’il Yassin and political/military leader Abdel Aziz Rantisi. HAMAS’ success in recent Palestinian local elections (January 2005), and its dramatic rise to power in parliamentary elections in January 2006 has led some to speculate that the group is transforming from a primarily militant organization seeking an Islamic state over all of the land of British mandated Palestine to a political party focused on political control in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Fatah refused to accept the results of the 2006 elections, causing tensions between the two groups. In July 2007, HAMAS wrested control over all of the Gaza Strip from its main rival, Fatah. Soon after, PA President Mahmoud Abbas dismantled the newly formed unity government that included members of both Fatah and HAMAS, effectively ending HAMAS’ official role in the Palestinian Authority government. See Chehab, Zaki. Inside Hamas: The Untold Story of the Militant Islamic Movement. New York: Avalon, 2007 and Hroub, Khaled. Hamas: A Beginner’s Guide. London: Pluto Press, 2006. See online “Backgrounder: Hamas.” 2007. Council on Foreign Relations. 29 August 2007 http://www.cfr.org/publication/8968/#6

1948 The year 1948 is often mentioned in reference to a series of historical events that have impacted both Palestinians and Israelis, notably, the war between Israel and Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, and Jordan (known as Transjordan at the time). 1948 is remembered in Israel as the year of independence and in the Arab world, especially among Palestinians, as Al-Nakba, “the catastrophe.” 1948 saw the establishment of the State of Israel and the continued flight and expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from the territory previously known as the British mandate of Palestine. For details and sources see War of 1948, Al-Nakba, and Haatzmaut/Independence Day.

War of 1967 Commonly referred to by Palestinians as the “June War” or “al-Naksa” and Israelis as the “1967 War” or “Six-Day War.” The war began in the early morning of June 5, 1967, when the Israeli air force preemptively attacked and destroyed most of the Egyptian Air Force while still on the ground, responding to Egyptian President Gamel Abdul Nasser’s closing of the Straits of Tiran to Israeli ships in 22 May 1967. Earlier in the month, Nasser had deployed Egyptian troops to the Sinai Peninsula and had asked for the removal of the UN troops there, who obliged and left. Prior to these steps by Nasser, false intelligence reports by the Soviet Union claimed that Israel was planning an attack on Syria for their sponsorship of Palestinian guerillas and was massing troops on its borders. It is still a matter of debate as to whether Nasser knew that the Soviet reports were false (and acted anyway) or believed they were true. Jordanian and Iraqi forces joined Syrian and Egyptian troops immediately after Israel’s June 5 air strike. The war lasted six days during which Israel captured the Egyptian Sinai peninsula, the Syrian Golan Heights, and the rest of pre-1948 Palestine, comprised of East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza Strip—then under respective Jordanian and Egyptian control, which have subsequently come to be known as the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Israel also captured Jordanian-controlled Jerusalem during the war. See Cleveland, William L. A History of the Modern Middle East. Boulder: Westview Press, 2000 and Herzog, Chaim. Arab-Israeli Wars. New York: Vintage Books, 2005. Haddad, William, Ghada Talhami and Janice Terry The June 1967 War After Three Decades Association of Arab-American University Graduates: 1999. See online: A country study: Israel. 8 November 2005. Library of Congress. June 14, 2007 http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/iltoc.html

War of 1948 War of 1948 The war of 1948, known as the War of Independence to Israelis and Al-Nakba (“the catastrophe”) to Palestinians, lasted from May 1948 until January 1949. Hostilities between Israel and the Arab states began in May 1948, when Israel declared independence. The period between Britain’s declaration of an end to the mandate in September 1947 and May, 1948 saw a great deal of chaos and fighting between Zionist paramilitary forces and Palestinian fighters. As Zionist militias took territory during the pre-state fighting, Palestinians began fleeing. Upon Israel’s declaration of statehood on 14 May 1948, Egypt, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Transjordan, as well as the Arab Legion and Arab Liberation Army, collectively attacked Israel. At the end of the war, Egypt controlled the Gaza Strip, Transjordan controlled the Old City of Jerusalem and the territory west of the Jordan River, while Israel had greatly expanded beyond the territory it would have received under the 1947 UN Partition Plan of Palestine. The war displaced hundreds of thousands of Palestinians (most estimates fall in the 700,000-800,000 range), who either fled or were expelled by nascent Israeli forces, leaving much of their belongings and land to Israeli expropriation. The disastrous impact of the war on Palestinians led to their terming of the war “al-Nakba,” or catastrophe. The war is conversely celebrated in Israel as the year of Israeli independence. See also Al-Nakba, 1948 and Independence Day. See Herzog, Chaim. Arab-Israeli Wars. New York: Vintage Books, 2005 and Kimmerling, Baruch and Joel S. Migdal. The Palestinian People: a History. London: Harvard University Press, 2003. Said, Edward The Question of Palestine (Vintage: 1992). See online: A country study: Israel. 8 November 2005. Library of Congress. June 14, 2007

Deir Yassin (Alternate spelling: Dayr Yasin) Often refers to the events at Deir Yassin, a village near Jerusalem, on April 9, 1948 (one month before the declaration of independence by the State of Israel). The village of 600 Palestinian Arab inhabitants had signed a non-aggression pact with the Haganah (precursor to the Israeli Army) in order to avoid the violence already spreading throughout the area. Dissident Jewish groups however, notably Irgun and LEHI (Stern Gang), attacked the village despite the pact. The groups had reportedly informed the Haganah of their intentions before the attack. The Irgun version, however, maintains that their forces called on the village to surrender, and that they only entered Deir Yassin after Palestinian forces opened fire, inflicting casualties. Exchanges between Palestinian militiamen and Irgun forces did lead to casualties, and with the retreat of Arab forces on April 9, Irgun and LEHI fighters entered the village, killing many of the remaining men, women and children, and allegedly raping and mutilating others. Those not immediately killed were paraded through the streets of Jerusalem and then sent to the city’s Arab sector. The total number often cited as killed is 254, among them 100 women and children, but recent studies by Palestinian academics at Birzeit University suggest that no more than 120 died in the attack. Irgun and LEHI themselves reported the highest numbers, although some contend their reports were meant to bolster their own popularity and inspire fear among the Palestinian community. The operation was severe enough to contribute greatly to an already present fear, motivating many Palestinians in surrounding areas to flee their homes. See McDaniel, Daniel A. and Marc H. Ellis. Remembering Deir Yassin: The Future of Israel and Palestine. New York: Olive Branch Press, 1998 (especially the personal account by Salma Khadra Jayyusi). Herzog, Chaim. Arab-Israeli Wars. New York: Vintage Books, 2005 and Kimmerling, Baruch and Joel S. Migdal. The Palestinian People: a History. London: Harvard University Press, 2003. See online Isseroff, Ami. “Deir Yassin: The Evidence.” PEACE: A MidEast dialogue group. 21 June 2007 http://ariga.com/peacewatch/dycg.htm

Dheisheh Refugee Camp Immediately west of Bethlehem, the camp is roughly half a square kilometer, and home to about 11,000 Palestinian refugees and their descendants who were expelled or who fled from their homes in the War of 1948. For a brief profile of the Dheisheh refugee camp see “Dheisheh Refugee Camp.” UNRWA. 21 June 2007 http://www.un.org/unrwa/refugees/westbank/dheisheh.html.

West Bank Geographical territory located to the west of the Jordan River and the Dead Sea. Israel refers to it as “Judea” and “Samaria.” It has been under Israeli military control since 1967, although certain powers and responsibilities were transferred to the Palestinian Authority as part of the Oslo process in the 1990s (see Oslo process and Areas A, B and C). The Palestinian population of the West Bank is approximately 2.5 million, in addition to approximately 270,000 Jewish settlers. The West Bank, along with the Gaza Strip, comprises the Occupied Palestinian Territories. See “West Bank.” 1 November 2007. CIA World Factbook. 10 November 2007 https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/we.html

1991 Gulf War (January 16, 1991–February 28, 1991) Military action by a US-led coalition of 32 states to expel Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Iraqi forces invaded Kuwait on August 2, 1990, and claimed it as an Iraqi province. In relation to the Israeli-Palestinian crisis, the war had disastrous consequences for Palestinians. The refugee community in Kuwait was all but destroyed by the end of the invasion, and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) lost vital diplomatic and financial support from the Gulf States due to their vocal support of Saddam Hussein. Israel was also directly affected. On January 18, Iraqi scud missiles hit Israel for the first time. In total, approximately 40 scuds were launched against Israel in the month that followed. See Mattar, Philip. “Gulf Crisis.” Philip Mattar, ed. Encyclopedia of the Palestinians. New York: Facts on File, 2005. See online The Gulf War: Chronology. PBS. 19 June 2007 and “Persian Gulf War.” Encyclopedia Britannica. 2007. Encyclopedia Britannica Online. 19 June 2007

Hebron A Palestinian city in the West Bank, located 30 kilometers south of Jerusalem. Al-Khalil (“Friend of God”) in Arabic and Khevron in Hebrew, its population is approximately 160,000, the majority of whom are Palestinian Muslims, with approximately 400 Jewish settlers living in the center of the city and an Israeli military presence. Tension between the settler and local Palestinian population is high, with the Israeli army and settler population often severely limiting the movement and security of Palestinian residents. Hebron is the site of numerous massacres in recent history (See 1929 Riots and Baruch Goldstein/Hebron Massacre). The Temporary International Presence in the city of Hebron (TIPH) has been present in the city since 1997, after requests by both Israeli and Palestinian authorities to observe and report breaches of human rights law and regional agreements. The city is home to the Tomb of the Patriarchs, known in Islam as the Ibrahimi Mosque, the supposed burial site of the biblical patriarchs and matriarchs, a site sacred to both Muslims and Jews. See online the Temporary International Presence in the City of Hebron at http://www.tiph.org/

Yeshiva A school of Jewish religious study.

Covering the area of roughly 1 sq. kilometer, the Old City of Jerusalem is currently surrounded by walls about 12 meters in height built by the great Ottoman Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent in the 16th century. The Old City is divided into four quarters (Jewish, Muslim, Christian, and Armenian) roughly corresponding to the religious or ethnic affiliations of each quarter’s residents. The Old City contains some of Jerusalem’s most treasured religious sites, such as the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, the Dome of the Rock Mosque, and The Temple Mount or Haram al-Sharif (Noble Sanctuary). See http://www.historychannel.com/classroom/unesco/jerusalem/main.html.

Kabbalah, Hebrew for “reception,” refers to Jewish mysticism, and to Jewish mystical texts from the Middle Ages. Torah specifically means the part of the Bible called the Five Books of Moses, and more generally can be used to refer to the whole tradition of Jewish religious teaching and law, both written and oral. Chumash is the Hebrew term used to refer to the Five Books of Moses of the Torah.

Hebrew for “the name.” One of the words religious Jews use to denote God.

McLean is referring to the Islamic profession of faith, the shahada, considered the first pillar of Islam and if repeated three times in succession denotes the minimum requirement for conversion to Islam. The words of the shahada are: “There is no god but God and Muhammad is His messenger.”

Sufism Islamic mysticism centered around the pursuit of spiritual truth.

Hebrew meaning “righteousness” or “justice.”

Galilee The northern region of Israel.

Hebrew for phylacteries. Two small leather boxes containing scriptural passages and traditionally worn on the left arm and head by religiously observant Jewish men during morning weekday prayers.

Side locks or side curls worn by Jewish Hasidic men.

Shlomo Carlebach Rabbi Shlomo Carlebach (1925-1994) was a rabbi and songwriter whose musical renditions of Jewish prayer and ceremony spread throughout the Jewish community from the 1960s until his death.

Yiddish for “nerve” or “gall.”

Interns for Peace Interns for Peace (IFP) is an organization that trains peace and community development workers in Israel, the West Bank and Gaza Strip, Egypt, and Jordan. It was established in 1976 in Israel. See http://mpdn.org/interns.htm.

Tamra Located in the Western Galilee northeast of Haifa. Population approximately 25,000, the majority of whom are Palestinian citizens of Israel.

Rabbis for Human Rights According to their website, Rabbis for Human Rights is an organization that serves as the "rabbinic voice of conscience in Israel, giving voice to the Jewish tradition of human rights" and promoting "justice and freedom, while campaigning against discrimination and inhumane conduct." Rabbi Arik Ascherman is the Executive Director of the organization. See http://rhr.israel.net/.

IPCRI The Israel/Palestine Center for Research and Information (IPCRI) is a “joint Palestinian-Israeli public policy think-tank…devoted to developing practical solutions for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict” that promotes dialogue among Israeli and Palestinian civil societies. IPCRI was established in 1988 and founded on the principle that it [IPCRI] “should be a joint partnership between Israeli and Palestinian intellectuals, reflecting a conviction that peace-building must similarly be a joint and bi-partisan effort (assisted by the international community”). Dr. Gershon Baskin and Mr. Hanna Siniora are IPCRI’s Chief Executive Officers. See http://www.ipcri.org/index1.html. See Just Vision interview with Gershon Baskin.

CJAED The Center for Jewish-Arab Economic Development is “an Israeli non-governmental organization (NGO) that aims to close the gaps between the Jewish and Arab sectors in Israel, thus building the foundation for sustainable economic development and peace.” Sarah Kreimer is the founder and former co-director of CJAED. See http://www.cjaed.org.il/. See Just Vision interview with CJAED’ current co-director, Helmi Kittani.

Nablus A Palestinian city in the northern West Bank. Est. population 132,000.

Reiki is an ancient system and practice of alternative healing originating in Japan that focuses on the energy or life force present in all living things.

Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), founded in 1964, has long been the umbrella group that includes numerous Palestinian political, professional, and trade groups, all dedicated to the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. In 1969, Yasser Arafat, representing al-Fatah, the largest fedayeen (see “fedayeen” in glossary) militia group in the PLO, became chair of the organization, a position he held until his death in 2004. The umbrella group was the first of its kind among Palestinians, and united disparate factions and organizations in a unitary cause, namely the establishment of a Palestinian state. The PLO carried out numerous international attacks against Israelis in the early 1970s as well guerilla operations aimed at Israel and in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. They operated from bases in Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria. The PLO first gained international legitimacy when Chairman Yasser Arafat addressed the United Nations General Assembly in November of 1974 and the organization was granted observer status to the United Nations. It signed on to the Oslo peace process in 1993, and has since seen its leadership absorbed into the Palestinian Authority (PA), pursuant to the May 1994 Gaza-Jericho agreement and the September 1995 Interim Agreement. While the PLO Charter of 1968 did not recognize Israel’s right to exist, the Charter was amended in 1996 following the Oslo Accord Declaration of Principles (DOP). The amendment to the Charter voided “those articles which denied Israel’s right to exist or are inconsistent with the PLO’s new commitments to Israel following their mutual recognition.” See Kimmerling, Baruch and Joel S. Migdal. The Palestinian People: a History. London: Harvard University Press, 2003, Bickerton, Ian J and Carla L. Klausner. A History of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 5th ed. New Jersey: Pearson Prentice Hall, 2007 and Hamid, Rashid. “What is the PLO?” Journal of Palestine Studies Vol. 4, No. 4. (Summer, 1975), pp. 90-109. See online “Palestine Liberation Organization.” Permanent Observer Mission of Palestine to the United Nations. 11 September 2007 http://www.un.int/palestine/theplo.shtml

Fatah ("Al-Fatah") Arabic for “conquest”, Fatah is a reverse acronym for the “Palestine Liberation Movement” (Harakat al-Tahrir al-Watani al-Filistani). Fatah is the largest Palestinian political party in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and the dominant faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Founded in Kuwait in the late 1950s by Yasser Arafat to fight for the establishment of a secular democratic Palestinian national state on all of the territory of British Mandatory Palestine. It began paramilitary and political operations in 1964, and assumed the leadership of the PLO in 1968. The organization’s tactics of “armed struggle” especially in the 1970s and 80s, included bombings, assassinations and hijackings in the Middle East, including Israel, and international locations. After Yasser Arafat’s signing of the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles in 1993, many Fatah leaders moved from Tunisia to the West Bank and Gaza Strip to serve in the political establishment and security forces of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). During the years of the “Oslo peace process” (1993-2000), the party shifted away from militancy and became identified as the chief proponent of a negotiated, two-state solution. From the launching of the second intifada through to the death of Yasser Arafat (2000-2004), Fatah experienced a split between factions supporting a return to negotiations, and factions such as the “Tanzim” and “Al-Aqsa Martyr’s Brigades” which resumed armed struggle against Israel and claimed responsibility for attacks on Israeli soldiers and civilians. This division persists today. Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen), assumed leadership of Fatah and the PLO after the death of Yasser Arafat in 2004, and was elected President of the PNA in January 2005. See Parsons, Nigel. The Politics of the Palestinian Authority: From Oslo to al-Aqsa. New York & London: Routledge, 2005. See Bowley, Graham. “Al-Fatah.” The New York Times. 20 June 2007. 25 June 2007

First Intifada Arabic for “shaking off.” The term “intifada” is used to refer to uprisings, especially during times of widespread Palestinian revolts against Israel. While some scholars consider the 1936-39 Palestinian uprising as the first intifada, the first intifada (1987-1993) usually refers to the popular uprising whereby Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza Strip rose up against Israeli military rule through a coordinated movement involving multiple sectors of Palestinian society. Actions included mass rallies, general strikes, unarmed and stone-throwing confrontations, the use of Molotov cocktails and limited arms against the Israeli army, combined with self-administration of daily life and attempts at nonviolent civil disobedience. The Israeli military was unable to quash the rebellion, although they implemented a harsh “Force, Might and Beatings” policy under Defense Minister Yitzhak Rabin, involving widespread arrests, detention and reports of torture. This intifada came to an end when Israel entered into negotiations with the Palestine Liberation Organization and co-launched the Oslo Peace Process. See King, Mary Elizabeth. A Quiet Revolution: The First Palestinian Intifada and Nonviolent Resistance. New York: Nation Books, 2007 and Farsoun, Samih K. and Naseer H. Aruri. Palestine and the Palestinians, 2nd ed. Boulder: Westview Press, 2006. See online “The Intifada.” MERIP. 25 June 2007 http://www.merip.org/palestine-israel_primer/intifada-87-pal-isr-primer.html and “Intifada.” MSN Encarta Online. 25 June 2007 http://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761579974/Intifada.html

The end of the first intifada (1987-1993) with the signing of the Oslo Accords in September of 1993 paved the way for Yasser Arafat to return to the Gaza Strip in July of 1994 followed by many of the upper echelon members of the PLO after 27 years of operating in exile in Jordan, Lebanon, and Tunisia. See Derek Brown and Cherif Cordahi. “Arafat Returns to His Home,” The Guardian (London), 2 July 1994, pg. 1.

Kibbutz Ketura Located in Israel 50 kilometers north of the Red Sea Coast city of Eilat.

PIES The Palestinian-Israeli Environmental Secretariat is non-governmental, non-profit organization that promotes joint environmental projects. It was founded in 1997 as a project of the Palestine Council on Health and the Israel Economic Cooperation Forum. See Michael J. Zwirn. “Promise and Failure: Environmental NGOs and Palestinian-Israeli Cooperation,” Middle East Review of International Affairs, Volume 5, no. 4, December 2001. http://meria.idc.ac.il/journal/2001/issue4/jv5n4a7.htm.

See http://www.yakar.org/, and specifically the Yakar Center for Social Concern http://www.yakar.org/center_for_social_concern/about_csc.htm. Yakar is located in Katamon, a neighborhood of Jerusalem.

The Jewish/Muslim Beit Midrash/Madrasa was initiated by the Yakar Center for Social Concern with the purpose of bringing together Jewish and Muslim scholars to discuss shared religious and spiritual practices among the two religions. For example, see the Yakar Center for Social Concern report of a 1999 Jewish/Muslim Beit Midrash/Madrasa on the practice and significance of religious fasting at http://www.yakar.org/center_for_social_concern/Re_Fasting.htm.

Abu Ghosh A town located 13 kilometers west of Jerusalem, estimated population is 5,500, the vast majority of whom are Palestinian citizens of Israel.

Compassionate Listening Project According to its website, the Compassionate Listening Project is “a U.S. based non-profit organization dedicated to empowering individuals to heal polarization and build bridges between people, communities and nations in conflict.” Leah Green is the founder and director the Compassionate Listening Project. See http://www.compassionatelistening.org/index.html.

Nebi Musa is Arabic for the Prophet Moses. The site believed to be his tomb is located near the Jericho in the West Bank.

Jericho A city located in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, east of Jerusalem, with an est. population of 20,000, the vast majority of whom are Palestinians.

Arabic for “the devil.”

Two different annual music and new-age festivals in Israel.

An American born Israeli journalist and author, Yossi Klein Halevi is a foreign correspondent for the magazine The New Republic and a senior fellow at the Shalem Center in Jerusalem.

Jewish Defense League Founded by radical politician and anti-Arab militant Meir Kahane (1932-1990). It’s stated goal is to protect Jewish communities from anti-semitism. Leaders in the JDL have been charged for plotting acts of terrorism, and it is widely viewed as an extremist organization. See http://www.jdl.org.

Yossi Klein Halevi’s book, At the Entrance to the Garden of Eden: A Jew’s Search for God with Christians and Muslims in the Holy Land, was published in 2001.

Hasidim Hebrew. Plural of hasid, meaning “pious,” and follower of Hasidism, which upholds strict observation of Jewish ritual and law.

Abdel Aziz Bukhari is a sheikh of the Nakhshbandi order of Sufis in Jerusalem.

The traditional site of the tomb of Nebi Samuel (the Prophet Samuel) is located north of Jerusalem and is a holy place for both Jews and Muslims.

The Via Dolorosa (or “Way of Sorrows”) is a winding street through Jerusalem’s Old City believed by some to be the route Jesus took when carrying his cross before the crucifixion. The route passes 14 stations, each one regarded as a place of significance during Jesus’ carrying of the cross.

Al Aqsa Mosque (Arabic) The furthest mosque. A mosque located in the Old City of Jerusalem, adjacent to the Dome of the Rock on the Temple Mount or Haram al-Sharif (The Noble Sanctuary). The structure was completed in the 7th century, destroyed by an earthquake in the 8th century, and restored to its current structure in the 11th century. While the Dome of the Rock was constructed as a mosque to commemorate the Muslim prophet Mohammad’s Night Journey described in the Qur’an, the building known as al-Aqsa mosque became a center of worship and learning, attracting great teachers from all over the world. The mosque is currently under the supervision and authority of the Waqf (Islamic Endowment). See http://www.noblesanctuary.com/index.html

The first station of the cross, located just inside the Old City of Jerusalem’s Lion’s Gate, is believed to be the place where Jesus was condemned to crucifixion by Pontius Pilate.

Shiekh Abu Saleh A Sufi Sheikh living in the village of Dir Qadis near Ramallah. Shiekh Abu Saleh has been involved in a number of religious dialogue groups for peace. In 2000, Sheikh Abu Saleh and Rabbi Menachem Fruman presented a joint document on their ideas about the Temple Mount-Haram al Sharif (Noble Sanctuary) to an international congress in Brasilia. See “A Sheikh and Rabbi Share s Solution for the Temple Mount,” Ha’aretz Daily Newspaper, 14 Aug 2000.

Rabbi Menachem Fruman Rabbi Menachem Fruman is the rabbi for the settlement community of Tekoa, part the Gush Eztion Block located south of Jerusalem. See preceding footnote for an article on Rabbi Fruman and Sheikh Abu Saleh.

Arabic, meaning “way,” tarika refers to the “special way” or spiritual path of Sufis (Islamic mystics).

Tarikat Ibrahimi A Jewish and Muslim Sufi group in which participants study Jewish and Islamic texts.

Rabbi Roberto Arbiv Founder and director of Midreshet Iyun, a center for adult Jewish learning and spirituality, in Tel Aviv. Midreshet Iyun is affiliated with the Masorti (Conservative) Movement in Israel, which like Reform and Orthodox Judaism, is a denominational affiliation within Judaism.

Avaraham Elqayam is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Jewish and General Philosophy at Bar-Ilan University.

Neve Shalom/Wahat al Salam Hebrew and Arabic for “Oasis of Peace.” A “village in Israel established jointly by Jews and Palestinian Arabs of Israeli citizenship and engaged in educational work for peace, equality and understanding between the two peoples.” See http://www.nswas.com/.

Arabic meaning “remembrance,” the term refers to the Sufi practice of repeating the names of Allah or other religious sentences such as, “There is no god but God.”

Rabbi Dov Maimon A French born Israeli rabbi involved in various inter-faith projects working toward Middle East peace. He serves on the board of the Interfaith Encounter Association (IEA), an organization “dedicated to promoting peace in the Middle East through interfaith dialogue and cross-cultural study.” See http://www.interfaith-encounter.org/.

Second Intifada Arabic for “shaking off.” The second intifada is sometimes called the Al-Aqsa (Aksa or ‘Aqsa) Intifada or the Armed Intifada. It refers to the recent Palestinian uprising against Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. The second intifada began in September 2000 following the breakdown of diplomatic efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and immediately following Ariel Sharon’s (then, an Israeli opposition leader) police escorted visit to the Temple Mount/ Haram al-Sharif. Sovereignty over the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif and their holy sites (including the al-Aqsa mosque). Sharon was highlighting a major point of contention in negotiations as both Jews and Muslims greatly revere the area. There is debate as to whether the second intifada was a spontaneous uprising catalyzed by Sharon’s visit to the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif, or a planned revolt by certain Palestinian leaders, including Yasser Arafat. Unlike the first intifada, the second intifada involved suicide bombings and more use of arms, in addition to mass rallies, general strikes and various other strategies. The exact end date of the second intifada is ambiguous. Some claim it is ongoing. See also First Intifada. See Hartley, Cathy, ed. A Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations, 2nd ed. London and New York: Europa Publications, 2004. See online “The second Intifada.” 8 December 2003. AlJazeera.net. November 2007 http://english.aljazeera.net/English/archive/archive?ArchiveId=187 and “Al-Aqsa Intifada timeline.” 29 Sept 2004. BBC News Online. 9 November 2007 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3677206.stm

Western Wall Located in the Old Cty of Jerusalem adjacent to the Temple Mount or Haram al-Sharif (The Noble Sanctuary). Jewish reverence for the Western Wall stems from the belief that it is the last remnant of the Second Jewish Temple.

Peacemaker Community According to its website, Peacemaker Community is “a global civil society consisting of individuals and organizations from different cultures, religions, and societies acting in the areas of social and economic justice, conflict resolution, AIDS-related health care, education, and the environment.” See http://www.peacemakercircle.org/. For a history of Peacemaker Community’s activities in the Middle East see http://www.peacemakercircle.org/middle_east/me-history.htm.

Auschwitz Established in Oswiecim, Poland, by the Nazis in 1940. Initially imprisoned Poles, Soviet POWs, Gypsies and prisoners from other countries, it later became "the site of the greatest mass murder in the history of humanity, which was committed against the European Jews as part of Hitler's plan for the complete destruction of that people." Most Jewish men, women and children sent to the camp were killed upon arrival in the Auschwitz-Birkenau gas chambers. See the Auschwitz Museum online http://www.auschwitz-muzeum.oswiecim.pl/html/eng/start/index.php

Bedouin Derived from the Arabic badawi, meaning “desert-dweller,” Bedouin is a general name for Arab nomadic groups. Once characterized by a nomadic and rural lifestyle, the Bedouins in Israel have largely become sedentary as a result of government policies toward them. Beginning in the 1960’s, the State of Israel has attempted to settle the Bedouin population in planned communities. Two major disputes between the Bedouin communities and the State of Israel persist: land ownership—many Bedouin do not have ownership papers for the land on which they have traditionally lived—and unrecognized villages. Unrecognized villages are those villages not recognized by the State of Israel although they generally predate the existence of the State, resulting in living conditions that do not benefit from state support for basic services and infrastructure. There are approximately 70,000 Bedouin living in 46 such unrecognized villages. The Bedouin population in Israel numbers approximately 200,000. They live primarily in the Negev desert and the Galilee. The Bedouin of the Negev are Israel’s most impoverished group, with the highest rates of unemployment. See Kimmerling, Baruch and Joel S. Migdal. The Palestinian People: a History. London: Harvard University Press, 2003. See online Lynfield, Ben. “In Israel’s Desert, A Fight for Land,” The Christian Science Monitor. 20 Feb. 2003. 21 June 2007 See also “The Bedouins in Israel: A Special Report.” Nov. 1998. The Association for Civil Rights in Israel. 21 June 2001

Prof. Rabbi David Hartman Founder and director of the Shalom Hartman Institute in Jerusalem. According to its website, the Shalom Hartman Institute “train[s] educators, scholars, rabbis and community leaders to re-examine the [Jewish] tradition in light of Jewish sovereign power in Israel and unprecedented Jewish achievement in the Diaspora, both of which put our values and assumptions to the test in a manner unforeseen by previous generations of Jewish thinkers.” See http://www.hartmaninstitute.com/.

For information on Shvil Zahav and their Walks see, http://www.middleway.org/.

Gabriel Meyer One of the founding directors of the Sulha Peace Project, a peace project aimed at building trust between Israelis, Palestinians, Arabs, and Jews. See http://sulha.com

Sulha Arabic for “reconciliation.” A sulha is a traditional process for resolving local family disputes out of court that is still practiced in some Arab communities. The Sulha Peace Project is based on this idea, and inspired by the writing of Elias Jabour, a Palestinian citizen of Israel, who wrote Sulha: Palestinian Traditional Peacemaking Process.

Ramadan The ninth month of the Muslim calendar. The Fast of Ramadan is observed for the entire month. During this holiday Muslims fast during daylight hours. It is a time of prayers, fasting, self-accountability and charity. Religious observances are kept for the duration of the holiday.

McLean is referring to the Sulha Way gathering August 17-19 2004 outside the Israeli city Binyamina, which an estimated 4000 people attended. See http://www.metasulha.org/sulha/Past_Sulha.htm.

Negev Desert comprising the southern one-third of Israel.

Shiduch comes from the Hebrew word “to match,” and is most widely associated with the practice of arranged marriages in the Jewish Orthodox community.

Rabbi Zalman Schachter-Shlomi is an author, rabbi, and one of the leaders of the Jewish Renewal movement.

Hebrew words for “blessing.” “rabbinic ordination.” and “recognition.”

Rabbi Michael Lerner is the editor of Tikkun magazine. See http://www.tikkun.org

Brit Tzedek V’Shalom Hebrew for the “Jewish Alliance for Justice and Peace.” A US-based organization, according to its website, of “American Jews deeply committed to Israel’s well-being through the achievement of a negotiated settlement to the long-standing Israeli-Palestinian conflict.” See http://www.btvshalom.org/.

Reconstructionism A movement within Judaism that began in the United States in the 1920s.

Tikkun Olam Hebrew for “repairing the world.” It is a religious term associated with acts of justice and kindness to make the world a better place.

Settler Refers to a Jewish Israeli living in a settlement – a Jewish community in the Occupied Palestinian Territories of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and, before the 2005 “disengagement”, the Gaza Strip. The settlements, established following Israel’s capture of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza Strip in the war of 1967, are widely recognized as illegal under international law. See Settlements, Settlement Blocs and Settlement Subsidies.

Ibrahim Abu el-Hawa A peace activist in Jerusalem. See http://www.jerusalempeacemakers.org/ibrahim/ibrahim.html.

The Mount of Olives Located beside the Old City of Jerusalem. The Mount of Olives contains several churches, a mosque, and a Jewish cemetery and is considered an important place in Christianity, Islam, and Judaism. For Christians and Muslims, it is considered the place where Jesus ascended to heaven. For Jews, tradition holds that after Messiah arrives, those buried on the Mount of Olives will be awakened first.