« Portrait | Interview Highlights

Interview with Riyad Faraj

Would you start by introducing yourself and telling us how you got involved in the Bereaved Families Forum?1

My name is Riyad Faraj. I am a refugee of 1948. That year my family came to Deheishe Refugee Camp.2 That's where I grew up. My family was one of the most harmed by the conflict. It was our fate to resist the Occupation3 in the period starting in 1978. I grew up to find my older brother in jail, and my other brother as well.

I was arrested when I was 14. The first intifada4 started in 1984, and we spent that period in and out of jail. I don’t recall a day between 1984 and 1990 in which we, the six brothers, were gathered in the same place. We are six brothers and a sister. We didn’t all see each other between ‘84 and ‘90 outside of jail.

In 1990, the first intifada ended and things calmed down.5 Then the second intifada6 started, but we didn’t take part in it. My brother Amjad was imprisoned and sentenced to six years. While imprisoned he got Leukemia, so they let him out, but he was already very sick. He died six months later. We tried to treat him in Hadassah Hospital7 but it didn’t help.

Exactly six months after that, during the invasion of the Bethlehem8 church,9 no one was allowed outside their homes.10 My father, at age 56, went out to get some groceries. My brothers and I were playing cards at home. We had longed so much to be with each other. We have local TV stations, and I was facing the TV and I read my father’s name on the screen--that he had been killed. We hadn't yet heard about it.

I’m telling you this now but I still don’t believe it. People had started calling us, and they were worried but didn’t want to tell us. They wanted to check first to see if we knew about what had happened. We didn’t have a clue as to why they were behaving like this until we read his name on TV. We went to identify his body but we couldn’t--he had been shot by 36 bullets of the 500 type.11 His body was ripped apart. It was horrible. This was only six months after my brother’s funeral.

To this day, in the eyes of Israel, I’m sure that my brothers and I are still considered terrorists--all of us were members of the Popular Front,12 even though we aren't active anymore, and we have done time for all the charges we were convicted of, despite the fact that all those charges were not proven with evidence or a confession.13

It’s not that we decided not to take part in the second intifada, it’s just that we figured that nothing good would come of it. We are the ones giving so much, while leaders like Sharon14 are sitting in their chairs. His son doesn’t get on a bus so there’s no way he could be harmed by suicide bombings, and Arafat’s15 child is in France16 and she can’t be hurt either, so it’s just us that are paying the price. It’s true that we might be more patriotic than they are, but as people we came to the conclusion that trying to engage in dialogue with the Israelis would do more good than bloodshed. Because everybody has had a share in the bloodshed: the prisoners and the martyred and the injured and crippled. I live on a street no more than 100 meters long and there are 13 martyrs on my street!There’s only a wall to separate our house from our neighbor’s. They have lost a martyr too, and so have the rest of the people on that street.

We are living in devastation and depression in Deheishe. There are no means of earning a living and having a decent life.17 That has pushed us in the direction of trying to find a better solution, since there are people from the Israeli side that are ready to listen to us and pass it on to their nation. We have the same on our side--people who are convinced by this idea but need support. Along came Khaled and the rest of the guys telling us about this [Forum], so we met and here we are.

What caused this change? What caused you to decide not to take the course of revenge? Was it your father’s loss that caused this change or was there a personal incident that caused this?

Let me tell you something: it’s not that they have silenced us by killing our father or brother or by torturing me in prison.18 On the contrary, it has only made me stronger and made me think more about what's best for me. Even if they imprisoned me for 50 more years it wouldn’t matter to me. The time I spent in prison adds up to six years and ten months and there’s nothing I haven’t seen.

I spent 36 months in the [prison in the] Negev19 and all I saw was sand. When a female soldier passed we thought she was an alien or something! Scorpions would mingle in our food. It was horrible what we saw there. They didn’t confine us, they only made us think about the future of our children. I mean, I paid the price. So did my brother and father. So that was the motive -- there’s no need for my child to have to pay the price as well. It’s not about giving up but about forgiveness. It’s about what’s good for the future. The Israeli that shot my father… My father was carrying a loaf of bread and some milk with him. He wasn’t armed. He was shot 36 times, so there’s no way that it could be considered a mistake. Had it been only for the purpose of scaring him, he would have been shot with one bullet, but there were 36!

We have Palestinians that are not sensible as well. I don’t want to tell you that the Occupation is the only reason, and I don’t want to call a person who blows himself up a terrorist. There are reasons for why he does what he does. For example, he may go home to find his mother or his brother killed -- that is a motivation. Of course it’s wrong and I don’t support it, and in the end that is what caused the Occupation. All those are causes: if I go home and find that the electricity has been cut off, and my son has to study, how can he? If at the end of the day I want to go take a shower but I find that the water had been cut off [by the Israeli military]... It’s not fair that I shed my blood and serve time in prison, and in the end I'm not able to live a decent life. I just want to have a normal life. So I and other people who think alike started to look toward the distant future to try to make a change. It’s true that this might be far from reality, but we at least need to have hope. It’s a dream within ourselves that we awakened.

Tell us about your father’s death, how it happened and how it affected your life.

We never expected an old man like my father to be killed. We always thought that maybe one of my brothers or I might get shot, but not my father. He never feared the Jews. The tank would sit in front of the house but he never feared it. He used to work in Israel and he had a lot of relations there so we never expected him to go like this. One week before he died he kept talking about death and being a martyr. Of course that meant nothing to us at the time, but now we realize what it meant.

My father wanted to go stay with a friend of his in Aida Refuge Camp20and go to work the next day from there, so he took a shower and went to his friend’s. He called us from there and told us that he was going to come home and wouldn’t sleep over - he had decided that thirty minutes after he said he was going to sleep over. So on the way home he bought some bread and milk. There was a tank at a place called Bab Zqaq21 in Bethlehem. He was coming from the direction of the Qubba,22 which is 50 meters from where the tank was, so they ripped his body with bullets. If we hadn’t seen his ID we wouldn’t have been able to identify his body. No part of his body was left unhurt. You know the 500-type bullet23is 3 or 4 centimeters long, so imagine what it would do to an old man like him.

This exploded a lot inside of us; it nurtured a lot as well. We were just getting over the grieving period for my brother. We spent six months with him in the hospital knowing that he was dying. The doctors told us that he wouldn’t live for more than 6 months and so it was.

Early on, while growing up, we saw people’s fathers or brothers beaten up. We were humiliated in our homes. There was no educational atmosphere and no means for living. All of that generated the desire within us to improve our condition. There was no method we could think of to improve our condition through dialogue; the only way was to fight. So we got involved in political parties, my brothers and I, like Fatah24 or the Popular Front, but we were all involved in the same direction: we all wanted our land Palestine, we wanted some rest. It is our right to live in a better place than a refuge camp, to live like those who live in the heart of Tel Aviv,25 to see the sea. Those are simple dreams.

We faced a lot of trouble because of those ambitions, and because we worked for them, we were faced with opposition. Those were the Israelis. We were arrested often, taken for investigation, even shot. My parents were detained. My sister was taken to prison. We faced pressure so we wouldn’t be able to stay active. So we did face a lot of trouble throughout all this. That has changed. This all happened in the first intifada from 1984. But my brother Majed, the eldest, was involved before that--he was imprisoned in 1978. He was sentenced to four years because he held these same beliefs.

After the first intifada ended and the Palestinian Authority26 came in, people were hoping that the PA would give us back our rights, that it would at least give us a state. All of that influenced us positively, and we stared to think in a different way about the future. For example, I started to think about my future -- to get married, get a job and have a stable life, and not to harm the Israelis or for them to harm me. We started having good relations with them until the second intifada started, but even then we were not active in it as a family. My brother was in jail and he got cancer, and then he died. Six months later, there wasn’t anything to prevent us from being active but we continued to think in the same way, about the future of our children. We hoped that the intifada would come to an end soon and that everything would be better, until, six months after my brother died, my father was killed.

Even after my father was killed, we didn’t have a negative reaction. I met some friends that were suffering in the same way and we started talking about becoming members of the The Parents Circle - Bereaved Families Forum. I think I told you before that we did not go there to compliment the Israelis or to complain to them. We went there so that their voice would be louder to their government--to let us have a good life, and to convey that it is our right to live. We also wanted to tell them that we are not here [at a seminar in a hotel in Jerusalem] to escape our stressful lives, but because we are looking for a better life for our children.

Was it you that contacted the Bereaved Families Forum, or the other way around?

Word was spreading in Bethlehem that there were Israelis that were interested in talking with us, so the arrangement was to plan a meeting just to be introduced to each other.

How did you come to know about the Forum?

Through our friend Khaled. We discussed the idea and he listened to me and told me, "Since you have those ideas why don't you contribute to the creation of a better society?" We should empower our voices as Palestinians through the Israelis, because there are some Israelis who believe that it is our right to live. Who wouldn’t say that, after all? So this is how we came to meet them and talk to them, so that our voice would be heard.

I know you said you were there to tell them about what you went through, but what effect did hearing the story of an Israeli have on you?

Let me tell you something. It's sad what's happening to the Israelis, but let’s just ask them why this happens, and why a person would blow himself up like that. They should know that he has a tired soul, and it's not because he's bored with life and has no work or can’t find food. What he does is wrong because he kills innocent people, just like Israelis kill innocent people. Even the Palestinian that carries a gun here is innocent, because it's the result of pressures upon him. The Israelis that die in buses are innocent as well.

I want to get to your point. When someone goes home and finds his fiancé and his mother killed, what will he do? One of the bombings that happened was after the guy came back home to find his mother and his fiancé killed. So he blew himself up.It is not a justification for blowing himself up and I don’t agree with it, but the Israelis are the reason for it. It's true that we haven't been able to change our political leadership and create a leadership that represents us -- I mean, our leadership is making decisions for us without consulting us. But the Israelis can say whatever they want to their government.

Generally speaking, in Bethlehem for example, if I were to meet with Israelis for the purpose of normalization,27 I would face a lot of trouble. Despite that, I will still state my point of view because I want my son to live.

Do you consider your activities with the Forum normalization?

I don’t consider this normalization, generally speaking. This is my opinion and I'm free to say it and no one can deprive me of that. But the problem is that our society does not accept such things, not everybody does. Not everyone will comprehend that I would sit with an Israeli, tell him about my problem and listen to his. No one expects that I would have a relationship with an Israeli. They would consider it humiliating for me to tell an Israeli about how my father and brother died, and how my son is not living a good life, while the Israeli is. In our society you won't find a lot of people that can understand--you will find a lot of extremists. That’s why we will face a problem here with starting the [Bereaved Families] Forum.

What do you mean by extremists?

I know a lot of organizations here that had relationships with Israelis and worked for normalization that were constantly attacked. Some were burned down, like Ibdaa Institute 28 [in Deheishe Refugee Camp], which had a program for normalization with Israel that was burned. Computers with a value of half a million dollars were destroyed.29 It was in the heart of the camp, and it was just because there were a few Israelis there.

Did hearing the stories of bereaved Israeli families change anything in you personally?

Basically, I always thought that it was only us that suffered from what’s going on and that we were the sole casualties, but now I find that there are people here from the other side that have suffered in the same way. I talked to some of them during the meeting, and we couldn’t tell who the enemy is! The Israelis there [at the Forum] represent one percent of the bereaved in Israel and we represent zero percent of the bereaved Palestinians, so who exactly is our enemy? We talked about this a lot during the meeting and there was a debate about it. In the end we decided that we [the Parents Circle-Bereaved Families Forum] would be the neutral side among the two nations, and try to be the link between the Palestinians and Israelis who will make the decisions.

What did your friends and family think? Were you endangered in any way for doing this work?

No. On the contrary, everybody encouraged me to come here. I was a bit hesitant, but my family encouraged me. My friends were in shock, but it’s not because they oppose it. Rather, it's because they want to be part of it too.

What caused your hesitation about becoming part of the Forum?

I didn’t understand or have a clear picture of what it’s like. I didn’t feel the pain of bereaved families on the Israeli side -- ones that have lost their children in bus bombings or as soldiers. I think the media is to blame because it gives the wrong image of us and the wrong image of them. There was never a time before that we got close like this.

What were your expectations when you joined the Forum?

I didn’t have expectations because I didn’t understand what was going on. I mean, it was a complete turn around for me -- a major leap. I may have once hated everything that was called “Jew;” I hate Zionism,30 but I respect anyone who acknowledges my right to my homeland, anyone who respects my opinion and anyone who thinks about my future as well as his. This is a reality that was imposed on us. We didn’t choose it, so we may as well try to live with it and get used to it, or else go our separate ways. So we need to figure out a way to coexist.

Did you give up anything to be part of this Forum?

My troubles, my pains and sorrows. I can never forget my father or my brother or the time I spent in prison. Who is going to pay for all that? I will never accept any compensation for it. My only compensation would be to see my brother and my child living in peace.

What do you hope will come out of this Forum?

I hope that it will expand, and I hope that the Israelis will realize that we are not insincere. I just hope that they pass along the message to their fellow Israelis that both nations are suffering from the Occupation. And I hope that our leaders listen to their people for once. The same with the Israelis--I hope that they feel for once that we are just as human as they are. We have feelings too and we don’t just want to kill. We want to be able to have a good life. And I hope that we can sit and talk about our joys rather than about our miseries and pains. That’s it.

For someone who doesn't know about what Palestinians and Israelis are doing together other than what they see on TV, how do you explain how this will contribute to peace?

As long as there's dialogue, as long as there are people who want to understand what's going on around them, they will be less extreme. I have some friends in Bethlehem University that are willing to sit and talk about this issue openly. They are ready to go to Israel to talk in schools, ready to host Israelis and talk to them. When you give hope to someone through such conversations, by talking about ways to improve our lives, stop violence, and have hope for the future, even if it is just a dream, I think this will give him a goal to work for. Right now we have nothing to aim for.

In 196731 we were trying to reclaim the lands of 1948, but they didn’t give us anything. Then we started reclaiming the lands of 1967, and today we are asking them to remove the roadblocks!32 We gave up asking for the lands of '48 and '67 and for removing the roadblocks; now we are asking them to remove the wall.33 Our dream is constantly shrinking, our claims are vanishing and we are not getting anything. We used to claim the lands of 1948. They said, well you can take the lands of ’67, but we refused. Then we started fighting to get the ‘67 lands but they said, you can only take 47% of the ‘67 lands, but we refused.34 Right now we are only asking them to remove the roadblocks so we can go to the village close by. See, our dream is gradually shrinking.

Why do you think your dreams are shrinking?

The reasons are that Israelis are getting stronger, our ignorance, our corrupt leadership which doesn’t care about anything but it's own interests. Someone like Abu Mazen,35 a Prime Minister, only wants to keep his cement factory running.36 He doesn’t care about a guy from Deheishe like me who can’t watch TV from 7 PM to 7 AM because the electricity gets cut off. He doesn’t care that my fridge breaks because the electricity is cut off, and that I have to slave away at work to buy a new one while he's living in his castle. Abu Amar,37 too, he doesn’t care. His fruit comes in a helicopter for him from Egypt,38 and we -- his people --are in very bad condition. The other day an officer in the Intelligence told me that in Asyon39 they held a survey among the Palestinians and they found that 85% of them supported Arafat.40 I'm 32 years old and no one ever asked me if I supported Abu Amar or not, so where was this survey? Who did they ask? This is the problem -- we had a big dream but it kept on shrinking until it vanished and we had a dream no more.

My wife is 27 years old. It's been 10 years since she's seen the sea. We can’t even go see the sea, can you imagine? My children have never seen it. They only see it on TV, but they don’t know what it is. Can you imagine not even having this dream? This is why when I talk with the guys and give them hope and ambition, there will be something to aim for--if not for them, then for their children. So when They're convinced, they will pass it along to the next generation, and so on.

So you think that what you are doing now is the solution?

Nothing else has worked. I mean, I fought and was in jail for 6 years and 10 months. I got nothing. Just the opposite -- I lost my dream. I lost my brother and my father and didn’t get anything. Another person will lose his brother and parents and will get nothing. Some have lost their children. So I started thinking of a way other than resistance. I started thinking of a way to convince my enemy to believe in my rights. If I keep thinking with the logic of resistance, there will be no one left to resist.

Were you active in the resistance before joining the Bereaved Families Forum?

I stopped being active in 1990. I got out of prison in 1991 and I started thinking about myself. I was tired of prison, tired of not being able to see my brother. I didn’t have a future. I had passed the Tawjihi 41and applied to go study in Russia to become a dentist. We were under Israeli rule at that time, so I applied for college in Russia and I booked a ticket, but the Israelis would not let me out. They gave me a choice of committing to stay out of the country for 10 years, or not going at all. I needed 4 years for my studies so why would I need 6 more years there? In the end I didn’t go and didn’t study. I started thinking about myself, about finding a job, and building a house. From that day on we were not active, but the Israelis would not leave us alone.

The Israeli that sits in his house is not my enemy. My enemy is the one that makes decisions and doesn’t care about me or even about the Israelis. As I told you, Sharon's children do not take the buse so they won’t get hurt. Arafat too - -his house won't be shelled because his wife and child are in France. The decision makers are not affected. It is up to those who are not decision makers to revolt and do something about their lives. This is why it is important for us as Palestinians to do something -- not just to resist violence but to plan for our lives. Our lives are following the same pattern.

You've been involved in this work and you've seen the work of others in the same field. Where do you think this is going?

I don’t want anybody else to get hurt. I have a nephew who's wanted by Israel. He has a friend who was exiled to Gaza,42 another who was martyred -- actually two.43 One was exiled to Italy and one imprisoned. That was a group of friends. To this day the soldiers come looking for my nephew. I am very happy that I was able to change some of his ideas. I convinced my nephew that it wasn’t doing any good for him to keep shooting at the soldiers, and to be hunted all the time. There's no way to bring back your dead friend, no way to bring your exiled friend back from Italy, no way your imprisoned friend will get out until he has finished his time, no way to bring back your friend in Gaza. I asked him questions like: How can you find ways to limit this violence? He answered that they are the ones that are not leaving us alone, so I told him to leave it to me.

I'm telling you this story not because he's my nephew but because this is part of our work. I kept talking to him. I even made him stay in my house for a year even though he was wanted. They used to look for him everywhere in our family's houses but we were lucky that they never came to my house. Now the army is not looking for him the way they used to. They are not insisting anymore, because he's not active anymore. It's true that he used to be active before and he wasn’t charged for it, but now he has stopped his activity. If he had continued to fight and shoot at them then he would have been killed just like his friends. Today he regrets what he has done. He says he just wants them to leave him alone. This is part of our work, to let people know that violence is not the way. The dead will not come back. We need to look for decent a life for all. I want to be respected in my home, to think about the future of my child, and to try to give him everything that I was deprived of through our relationships with people.

The Forum is not only about meeting new people and traveling around. By only doing this I would not be giving anything to the Palestinians, or to the Israelis. I don’t want them to make me feel better. I just don’t want others to be hurt. This is the thing we believe in the most--that others won't get hurt like us.

What about the responses of people around you?

The anti-normalization movements? When I came back from the Forum, I turned this idea over inside myself. This was the first time that I took this issue of normalization seriously. Before I went to the Forum I consulted with my brother and I explained that I would go meet with Israelis. I really listen to my brother and I felt better after he told me that what I'm doing is the right thing. So I went to the Forum, and expected that people who had lost someone would have reservations or would hold back--I didn’t expect that kind of atmosphere. When I came back to town I was still afraid, a bit reserved. I didn’t want people to know about it [being in the Forum]. I talked to my closest friend about it, and I found him receptive. He even said, “I wish I had been with you.” That made me feel at ease. I talked about it with another person and felt even better. So now all my friends want to be part of the Forum. Some of them looked at it as an escape, others looked at it as something new they can do in their lives. Some saw it reflecting the small voice inside them that says, "We are tired of the situation, for our children and for us." They needed to do something new.

I felt that the general feeling around me was supportive, so I didn't care about those who would monitor me. I started talking about my experience openly. I talked about the time I spent at the Intercontinental Hotel,44 about meeting with Israelis, talking to them about my perspective and listening to theirs. They changed a lot of things in me. I went to Bethlehem University and talked to a number of students and I found some of them willing to sit and talk with Israelis and exchange ideas with them. Of course we do face some difficulties, such as lack of funding. I mean, I can't afford to buy a computer or even apply for a permit to get around.45 If there was no one to fund such an idea, it would be difficult to implement.

The people that oppose this idea are shallow people--they have nothing else to do. In our society people hate them because all they do is sit and talk about what this person or that person is doing. They think that they are prophets and have the right to judge people. If you evaluate them, you will find them the worst kind of people. If you sit with one of them who is strongly opinionated about something, you will find that you can easily change that idea. I once sat with one of them and was able to change his idea about me, and he was even willing to come with me to the Forum. But there are still a lot of people that oppose this idea, even if not openly. Don’t be surprised if some of them burn my house down. If someone could burn down a million dollar equipped center like Ibdaa, the only center in Deheishe for our children... The children used to wake up dreaming about it because they used to go there to read stories, play on the computer, and take courses on the Internet. For a child in Deheishe whose parents could not afford to send him to study, that was a big thing. But it was burned. So don’t be surprised if they burn my place as well. In the end I don’t care about them.

Do you consider that a challenge? What are your challenges?

Now that I have an idea I believe in, I can either protect it or sit at home and do nothing about it. As I told you, I don’t want to feel better. I want to defend and protect my beliefs in a way that will not bring harm to me or to those who think it's not right to sit with Israelis. Either I have the ability to convince him of my beliefs, or at least he shouldn't be in my way. This is how I foresee the future of my children.

Do you think fear plays a role?

For me it doesn’t. What I've already seen in my life, which was the complete opposite of what I'm doing now, is worse than what I'm going to see as a result of being involved in a good cause. The Israelis imprisoned me for 6 years and 10 months, but they couldn’t change what I believe in. I changed when… I changed my beliefs when the Israelis convinced me, not as a result of force, but because I was convinced that there was no other way than to do this. If someone writes about me, calling me a traitor, I do not have a problem because I can defend myself.

Did you ever have doubts that you are doing the right thing?

I thought deeply before I talked about it, because when I talk about something, I believe in it.

How did this work change your life and how did it affect your family, friends, etc?

It didn’t change the lives of those around me, but I've tried to convince them with my idea. The more I believe in it the more I'm able to work with it. For example, my brother-in-law got his PhD in political science, and when he came back he decided to open a student service center or institute. There will be a lot of students coming to the institute, which will specialize in directing students to schools abroad. Through the institute, I can impart my idea to those students. This is a very important opportunity.

This idea needs to be taught to a mature person, one that is effective in his community. The student has the most significant role in our society. This is the most important sector of society and they need to know more about non-violence. I think if we succeed in spreading our ideas in schools, it's as good as liberating Palestine.

Is it rare to be involved in this way?

It's rare and dangerous. Socially, one would be afraid to lose all one's relations, relatives, community, friends. I mean, people over here used to swear with my life. I was interrogated for 80 days but I didn’t breath a word, so everybody knows me as a respectful man. The only thing that changed is that I used to think with my muscles, and now I think with my brain. I need to protect myself, not by shooting at anyone who invades my house, but by being respectful and making him not hurt me. So I started thinking about the Israelis on the other side. I mean, if I go to road number 6046 and shoot at an Israeli there, that Israeli is neither the one who killed my brother nor the one who took my land.

If I go back to thinking about history I will go back to being an extremist. It is a reality that was imposed on us to live with the Israelis. There's no way that the Jew who came here from America will go back, and there's no way that you will get out of Deheishe Camp and go back to Ras Abu Ammar.47 I just want to have a better life. I can have a country and an existence without killing an Israeli. The idea has become to start thinking and stop fighting.

Did you feel that your sense of belonging changed with this work?

No, it got stronger, because I understood more. I used to think only with my muscles, which made me kind of crazy. People who only think with their arms are retarded.

There was no one to direct us. For example, I used to gather 500 prisoners and speak to them, but no one ever came up to us and said: let’s think about something other than the language of force. It was only at the end of the first intifada that a few people started to think about the possibility of dialogue, to think about the people who are suffering. This is a reality that was imposed on us and there's no other way than to accept it. There's no way that they will leave this country and there's no way that we will leave either, so why don’t we look for a common factor between us: to coexist without hurting each other?

No one thought in this way before.48 Now we do, and I think we are more mature because we tried all the methods, and so did they. The Israelis must get to a point where they understand that they will not defeat Riyad by demolishing his house. On the contrary, that will make me more insistent. Violence creates more violence. I tried all kinds of violence and I didn’t accomplish anything. The opposite -- I lost my health. I am a person who didn’t finish his education. When I speak, I speak out of the anger and humiliation I saw in prison. I read all the books in prison, but in the end I have no certificate. I got shot, I lost my father and my brother, I lost my neighbor and the neighbor of my neighbor, I lost my friend… They emptied us from the inside. We do not have substance anymore. We wake up, eat, go to work and that’s it. There's no vision for our lives. All this pressure inside us is what pushed us to look for a new life -- not the pressure from the Israelis.

Who do you blame?

Wow, that's a hard one. I don’t really know. Your question is difficult.

Do you blame a person, or the situation or...?

To blame all this on someone… In the past, all my father cared about was feeding his children. He wasn’t aware enough to tell me not to go out and throw rocks, not to throw Molotov cocktails.49 We didn’t have such a thing. Our parents were ignorant. Today, I tell my son that [not to do those things]. I mean, the situation, the Israelis, Abu Ammar, us--no one can not take responsibility for what happened. Throwing stones was the height of the first intifada, and it achieved more than what the second intifada achieved, or even anything achieved since ‘48.

Those who militarized this intifada are the bad ones. It wasn’t right to militarize the intifada, meaning the involvement of weapons. Had it stayed a civil uprising, we would have had the public opinion on our side, but now we have lost everything. Now we are perceived as terrorists and criminals when we used to be the righteous. Now we have lost everything. No one can stand to hear about a Palestinian. We used to be respected anywhere we went because we used to ask for our rights in legal ways--we used to protest or throw stones at tanks, but now we are shooting and bombing and killing. The responsibility lies with all of us. No one can stand to live in such circumstances without doing something about it.

What or who inspires you the most?

I like to live in security. I want to have ambition for something.

Did being part of the Bereaved Families Forum lead you to meet people that you wouldn’t have met otherwise?

It was the first time in my life that I met, sat with and listened to an Israeli that was suffering like me. I used to hear on the news or from friends who worked for Israelis about how Israelis had lost a son or family member. This was the first time I experienced seeing an Israeli emotionally touched by knowing that I had lost someone and so had he, and he was willing to sit with a Palestinian who felt the same way. At the same time, he is the cause of what happened to me, but I wasn’t the cause of what had happened to him. I mean, I didn’t take his land; he took mine. For example, the Israeli Roni that came to the Forum has lost his two sons. That's not because of me, but he is the reason I lost my father and brother. [As an Israeli] he was imposed on me.

I will explain it to you: I was sitting on my land. He came in and took it, so I was forced to coexist with him. I can understand that. But when he came in, he killed my father. I didn’t kill his. I'm in the right. Since I can't push him out of my land, I have to find ways to coexist with him. This is a fact that we should accept and live with. I will coexist with him but he shouldn't hurt me any more.

Are you talking about Roni specifically or about Israelis in general?

I never dreamed that I would sit with Roni. I never thought that one day I would sit with an Israeli and see how much he's suffering--like me--and how bad he feels for me for losing my father and for the fact that I live in Deheishe while he lives in Tel Aviv, how he feels bad that he has electricity in his home and I don’t. It is very good to see that someone is hurting for your pain.

This is what deepened the idea within us, knowing that there are people that believe in our right to build a country of our own. Those people are part of the Occupation, part of Israel. They say that it is our right to establish a state on the lands of ‘67, but at the same time they are occupying the lands of ‘67. But it is good to see that there are some Israelis that say no to occupation.

What are your hopes or ambitions?

The most important thing we hope for is to live like all people around the world, not just like the Israelis. To live in a small country like Jordan,50 for example. To have our own independence, our own petrol resources, water and electricity, and economic improvement. We just hope for our own little state, not interfering with anybody or the other way around -- to have our own independence, existence. Jerusalem, which we dream of all the time, freeing all prisoners, children sleeping in tranquility and buying a toy instead of a toy gun.

I want my children to be educated so I can be proud of them. I believe this is just a simple goal. I'm not looking to become a millionaire and live in the States. I want to live in my country. Maybe I can’t get my land back, but I should get something equivalent to it in return. To be free in my country and have freedom to travel. That if I leave the house, my wife would not have to worry about me or me worry about herself and the children. My ambition is to have a small state. I don’t want the lands of ‘48, but I want the lands of ‘67.

What will it take to get there?

Today if you watch the news or the political situation that we live in, you will find that even the extreme Palestinian parties like the Jihad51 and Hamas52 are asking for the lands of ‘67. It's the Israelis who don’t want to give it to us. There's no way that a state will be established in the lands of ‘67, even though that is what we are asking for now. I mean, there's a settlement53 one kilometer away from me and there's no way that the Israelis will remove it. It's taking up more than half of Bethlehem’s area.54 The wall that they are building has taken in more land than the lands of ‘67! So how much is left of the lands of ‘67? What we are saying now is just words in the air. Gaza is giving them [the Israeli government] a lot of trouble. It's affecting them in a strange way--they can’t handle it. The Israelis are not affected, but if our PA [Palestinian Authority] refused to work on social issues, the Israelis would be very affected, and only then would they care to empower the PA. If the PA were strong, none of this would happen. And if the Labor Party55 were in charge of the Israeli government maybe something would happen, but as long as Sharon and the Likud56 are in charge there will never be anything.

Do you know why they are keeping the settlements? To use them in negotiations to trade with the refugees and the right of return.57 If they ask me as a resident of Deheishe if I would take an apartment in Efrat58, I would agree. A lot of people would agree, too, instead of going back to the lands of ‘48. The Israelis consider the greatest problem to be the return of the refugees, especially the ones in Jordan,59 but I'm sure if a refugee in Jordan came here he would not like it, he would never come. The Jews think that three million people coming back is a whole country's population by itself and the Palestinians here already add up to 4 million.60 So all together we would be twice the number of the Israeli population…

We are not asking for the right of return, the one negotiating the right of return is not a refugee himself. No refugee is speaking for himself because I'm sure that if there was a survey among the refugees, then I guarantee 100% would accept compensation and get to a solution with the lands of ‘67 and stop asking for the lands of ‘48, all for the sake of having a good life.

What does the word peace mean to you?

I have never lived it. We have never truly lived it. We just read about it in books--we have never lived it. You know, the last time when you were supposed to come here, [A Just Vision staff visit was canceled] it was horrifying here in Deheishe during the invasion. They broke into houses in our neighborhood. They broke into my sister's house. When they were close to our place, I took out all the papers from the Bereaved Families Forum and spread them out, to diffuse their anger towards me. I was expecting it, because I'm from the Faraj family, which has a bad record with them. They would have seen the pictures of my martyred father and brother, and I myself had a big security file with them. My children were terrified and Safa’, my wife, was reading the Quran, but I kept comforting her that they wouldn’t come. I even put my expired permit with my ID so they could see that I got a permit once.

Is there hope?

Hope was planted recently, and now we are trying to plant it in others so that they won't believe in violence anymore.

What do you think is the greatest misconception about this work?

People did not have misconceptions, they were only ignorant. They didn’t have dreams or ambitions--they were not aware. The resistance did not fight because they were immature. They had no choice but to resist, but it didn’t work. On the contrary, they lost. Our kind of resistance was to throw a stone, to hassle a soldier if he came in the camp. Writing on walls, talking to people, trying to organize them, to make the work for the country more organized, not spontaneous--this is why the Israelis were bitter at us. We are the ones who used to speak to people, educating them about resistance. But now we are the ones who believe that resistance didn’t work, because it didn’t achieve anything. On the contrary, it made us lose. It's better to make people aware and to broaden the idea in their minds. By getting well educated and aware, we can get what we want--not by ignorance and violence. I mean, how many buses explode in Israel every month? 4 or 5?61 We don’t get anything out of it. The streets get cleaned the next day and they move on. Those who died have paid. The others go to work the next day. Same with us--my father was shot dead, we grieved for three days, and now the only thing we hear is, “May God have mercy on his soul.” Why should this happen to us?

How far are you willing to go and how much longer can you continue on this path?

Until I get what I want. As I told you before, I don’t just want to make friends with the Israelis, I have a lot of friends here. I can go to Israel anytime I wish -- I can fake an ID and go have fun there. But it was my dream to enter Israel legally, to go to my land, or to what used to be my land. I don’t just want to have a relationship with the Israelis just for the sake of it, but for the sake of nurturing the dream I have, which is being able to be anywhere on my land.

There are about twenty thousand workers who go to work in Israel without permits.62 They can’t really put up barriers to forbid us from going into Israel, but it would be nice if Israelis could come into my home and not be afraid. I would have been very happy if an Israeli had come here. I could protect him. No one could hurt him because he's with me, but it would be nice if he came here feeling safe. It would be good if, when I go to him, he wouldn’t be nice to me just because he feels sorry for me. I want the relationship to be more mature--one where I go to you because you are my friend, not because I need you.

It would be nice if we, the Palestinians and the Israelis, could have this kind of relationship, so we could improve our thinking, and be able to talk to the people that hate us. You know, I hate it now when my kids say, “I hate the Israelis,” even though I'm sure my kids do not understand their words. It is very hard, but with time it can work out. It requires will and not desperation. We also need something in return. I don’t just want the Palestinians to start liking the Israelis, I want something from the Israelis too. I want the Israeli to comprehend the Palestinian. I want the Israelis to work like the Palestinian. We should reap our accomplishments together, for our children.

You were saying something earlier about your daughter. Can you tell me more?

Every morning before I go to work my daughter tells me she wants to go to work with me, but once she told me, “Daddy, don’t go to work.” So I asked her why. She said, “because there's invasion at the entrance of the camp.” She is two years old.

End.


Notes

We have done our best to provide accurate, fair yet succinct footnotes to help you navigate the interviews. Our research team comprises more than 6 individuals, including Palestinians, Israelis and North Americans. Still, we recognize that these notes cannot capture the full complexity of this contested conflict. Therefore, we encourage you to seek additional sources of information, we welcome your feedback and appreciate your openness.

Parents Circle-Bereaved Families Forum is a joint organization of more than 500 Israeli and Palestinian bereaved families working together for reconciliation and an end to violence. See http://www.theparentscircle.com/

Dheisheh Refugee Camp Immediately west of Bethlehem, the camp is roughly half a square kilometer, and home to about 11,000 Palestinian refugees and their descendants who were expelled or who fled from their homes in the War of 1948. For a brief profile of the Dheisheh refugee camp see “Dheisheh Refugee Camp.” UNRWA. 21 June 2007 http://www.un.org/unrwa/refugees/westbank/dheisheh.html.

Occupation The “Occupation” is used to refer to Israel’s military control of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza Strip. It may also refer to Israel’s occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights, although the territory was annexed by Israel in 1981. International legal bodies do not recognize the annexation. See “Occupied Palestinian Territories.”

First Intifada Arabic for “shaking off.” The term “intifada” is used to refer to uprisings, especially during times of widespread Palestinian revolts against Israel. While some scholars consider the 1936-39 Palestinian uprising as the first intifada, the first intifada (1987-1993) usually refers to the popular uprising whereby Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza Strip rose up against Israeli military rule through a coordinated movement involving multiple sectors of Palestinian society. Actions included mass rallies, general strikes, unarmed and stone-throwing confrontations, the use of Molotov cocktails and limited arms against the Israeli army, combined with self-administration of daily life and attempts at nonviolent civil disobedience. The Israeli military was unable to quash the rebellion, although they implemented a harsh “Force, Might and Beatings” policy under Defense Minister Yitzhak Rabin, involving widespread arrests, detention and reports of torture. This intifada came to an end when Israel entered into negotiations with the Palestine Liberation Organization and co-launched the Oslo Peace Process. See King, Mary Elizabeth. A Quiet Revolution: The First Palestinian Intifada and Nonviolent Resistance. New York: Nation Books, 2007 and Farsoun, Samih K. and Naseer H. Aruri. Palestine and the Palestinians, 2nd ed. Boulder: Westview Press, 2006. See online “The Intifada.” MERIP. 25 June 2007 http://www.merip.org/palestine-israel_primer/intifada-87-pal-isr-primer.html and “Intifada.” MSN Encarta Online. 25 June 2007 http://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761579974/Intifada.html

Some sources claim the 1987 intifada ended in 1990. http://www.adl.org/Israel/advocacy/gl_intifada.asp. Others mark 1993 as the end. Barbara Allen Roberson "intifada" The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics. Ed. Iain McLean and Alistair McMillan. Oxford University Press, 2003. Oxford Reference Online. Oxford University Press. CDL UC Berkeley. 17 December 2004

Second Intifada Arabic for “shaking off.” The second intifada is sometimes called the Al-Aqsa (Aksa or ‘Aqsa) Intifada or the Armed Intifada. It refers to the recent Palestinian uprising against Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. The second intifada began in September 2000 following the breakdown of diplomatic efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and immediately following Ariel Sharon’s (then, an Israeli opposition leader) police escorted visit to the Temple Mount/ Haram al-Sharif. Sovereignty over the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif and their holy sites (including the al-Aqsa mosque). Sharon was highlighting a major point of contention in negotiations as both Jews and Muslims greatly revere the area. There is debate as to whether the second intifada was a spontaneous uprising catalyzed by Sharon’s visit to the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif, or a planned revolt by certain Palestinian leaders, including Yasser Arafat. Unlike the first intifada, the second intifada involved suicide bombings and more use of arms, in addition to mass rallies, general strikes and various other strategies. The exact end date of the second intifada is ambiguous. Some claim it is ongoing. See also First Intifada. See Hartley, Cathy, ed. A Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations, 2nd ed. London and New York: Europa Publications, 2004. See online “The second Intifada.” 8 December 2003. AlJazeera.net. November 2007 http://english.aljazeera.net/English/archive/archive?ArchiveId=187 and “Al-Aqsa Intifada timeline.” 29 Sept 2004. BBC News Online. 9 November 2007 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3677206.stm

Hadassah A hospital in Jerusalem.

Bethlehem A city in the West Bank, about 10 kilometers south of Jerusalem. Home to the Church of the Nativity, the city is of particular significance for Christians who believe it is the birthplace of Jesus Christ. Est. population 30,000, the vast majority of whom are Palestinian.

Israeli forces besieged Palestinian militants in Bethlehem's Church of Nativity for five weeks in April/May, 2002. “Israel's five-week offensive was declared over on May 10 when its troops lifted a siege of the Church of the Nativity and left Bethlehem after 39 militants sheltered in the church agreed to go into exile in Europe or to the Gaza Strip.” “Israeli army raids Bethlehem” Reuters 5/26/02, printed in the Toronto Star, A07, Ontario edition.

During the Church siege, residents “lived under nearly constant curfew.” Cowell, Alan and Joel Greenberg “MIDEAST TURMOIL: AFTERMATH; In Church of Nativity, the Refuse of a Siege” New York Times, 5/11/02 pg A1; After the Church siege was over, Israel still declared the Bethlehem area “a 'closed military zone'” and enforced “a curfew.”“Israeli army raids Bethlehem” Reuters 5/26/02, printed in the Toronto Star, A07, Ontario edition

Probably a reference to 500mm bullets. According to the Palestinian Human Rights Monitor (Feb. 2001): "Major misunderstandings and misinformation about type of weapons and bullet sizes exist among Palestinian organizations, doctors and health organizations, governmental institutions and Palestinian newspapers who repeatedly claim that Palestinians are hit – sometimes several places in the body – by 500 mm or 800 mm bullets. No such guns exist. PHRMG can assure that no Palestinian has been hit by a 500 mm or 800 mm 'bullet' during this intifada." "Overkill: Israeli Bombardment and Destruction of Palestinian Civilian Homes and Infrastructure" http://www.phrmg.org/monitor2001/feb2001.htm

Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and its offshoot, the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), combine Arab nationalist and Marxist-Leninist ideologies. They advocate the creation of a secular democratic Palestine as a precursor to a broader revolution within the Arab world. Founded in the late 1960s by George Habash, the PFLP became the second largest faction within the PLO after joining in 1970, but withdrew its membership with the launch of the Oslo Accords. The PFLP uses both political and militant means—notably hijackings and political assassinations—to advance its aims. In 1994, the Israeli military assassinated its leader, Abu Ali Mustafa (successor to George Habash). His successor, Ahmad Saadat, was imprisoned by the Palestinian National Authority (PA or PNA) following pressure by Israel for the October 2001 assassination of Israeli Tourism Minister, Rechavam Ze’evi. The PFLP’s current leader is Ahmed Jibril. See Kimmerling, Baruch and Joel S. Migdal. The Palestinian People: a History. London: Harvard University Press, 2003 and Nigel Parsons. The Politics of the Palestinian Authority: From Oslo to al-Aqsa. New York & London: Routledge, 2005. See online “Backgrounder.” 31 October 2005. Council on Foreign Relations. 18 October 2007 http://www.cfr.org/publication/9128/

This was well-documented during the 1987 intifada. See, “Detained Without Trial: Administrative Detention in the Occupied Territories Since the Beginning of the intifada” B'Tselem 10/1992 http://www.btselem.org/English/Publications/Summaries/Detained_without_Trial.asp; Also, see Ron, James “Savage Restraint: Israel, Palestine and the Dialectics of Legal Repression” Social Problems, Vol. 47, No. 4. (Nov., 2000), pp. 445-472. For Israel, it is a matter of security. For instance, see: “Mass arrests in West Bank by IDF” CNN 6/1/02 http://archives.cnn.com/2002/WORLD/meast/06/01/mideast.arrests/

Sharon, Ariel (1928-) Prime Minister of Israel, March 2001-January 2006. Member of the Likud Party and later founder of the Kadima Party. Israeli Minister of Defense during the Lebanon War from 1981 to 1983, when he resigned after a government commission found him indirectly responsible for the September 1982 massacre of Palestinians at the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps by Lebanese Christian Phalangist militias. Other positions held by Ariel Sharon include: Minister of Agriculture from 1977-1981, Minister of Trade and Industry from 1984-1990, and Foreign Minister from 1998-1999. Sharon held the position of Minister of Construction and Housing from 1990-1992, which witnessed the most comprehensive expansion of Jewish settlements in the West Bank and Gaza since Israel’s occupation of the territories in 1967. While Sharon was referred to by many as the “father of the settlement movement”, he initiated and oversaw the withdrawal of all Israeli settlers from the Gaza strip in the summer of 2005. In November 2005, Sharon, while still serving as Israel’s Prime Minister, quit the Likud Party and formed a new centrist party named Kadima (meaning “forward” in English.) In justifying his exit from the party he helped found, Sharon stated that the Likud Party was no longer equipped to lead Israel nor oversee any future peace deals with the Palestinians. In early January 2006 Sharon suffered a massive stroke, underwent several operations, and is currently in a coma. Following Sharon’s admission to the hospital, powers of the Israeli Prime Minister were transferred to Deputy Prime Minister Ehud Olmert. See Hartley, Cathy, ed. A Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations, 2nd ed. London and New York: Europa Publications, 2004. See online “Profile of Ariel Sharon.” 28 May 2006. BBC News Online. 9 November 2007 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/1154622.stm.

Arafat, Yasser (1929-2004) Founder of Al-Fatah (1958). Regarded as a symbol of Palestinian resistance to Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, Yasser Arafat served as Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization from 1969 to 2004. He oversaw political and guerrilla activities of the PLO first from Jordan, then Lebanon, and later Tunis. In 1996, he became the first Elected President of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) (also called the Palestinian Authority), a position he held until his death. While initially opposed to the existence of the Israeli state, Arafat altered his stance in the late 1980s and 1990s. In a speech at the United Nations General Assembly in December of 1988, Yasser Arafat stated his willingness to accept Palestinian statehood based on UN Resolution 242 -- a resolution that recognizes the rights of all states to sovereignty. Many viewed this as the beginning of the PLO’s recognition of the right of the State of Israel to exist. This followed an era of militant tactics his party employed against Israel throughout the 1970s and 1980s. He launched the Oslo process with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1993, for which he received a Nobel Peace Prize in 1994 along with Rabin and Shimon Peres. In January 1996, Yasser Arafat was elected the first president of the Palestinian Council governing the West Bank and Gaza Strip. He became increasingly marginalized by the United States and Israel after the second intifada (2000-present), and was isolated completely from diplomatic relations in 2003. Arafat died on November 11, 2004 in Percy military hospital in Paris. See “Arafat, Yasir.” Philip Mattar, ed. Encyclopedia of the Palestinians. New York: Facts on File, 2005. See online Yasser Arafat: 1929-2004. PBS. 21 June 2007

Arafat's 41-year-old wife, Suha, and their daughter have also lived in Paris, among other Western capitals." Bryant, Elizabeth "Arafat's remains leave France" United Press International 11/11/04 http://www.washtimes.com/upi-breaking/20041111-085701-3983r.htm

According to the Ibdaa Cultural Center's website, unemployment in Dheisheh is 56%, http://www.dheisheh-ibdaa.net/dheisheh.htm

For evidence that torture occurred during the time Mr. Faraj was in prison: Ron, James “Savage Restraint: Israel, Palestine and the Dialectics of Legal Repression” Social Problems, Vol. 47, No. 4. (Nov., 2000), pp. 445-472.

Negev Desert comprising the southern one-third of Israel.

Aida Refugee Camp Established in 1950, Aida Camp is located between Bethlehem and Beit Jala. http://www.un.org/unrwa/refugees/westbank/aida.html. It's population is 4,456.

Bab Zqaq(or Bab El-Zqaq or Bab ez-Zqaq). A main intersection in Bethlehem. http://oznik.com/shirabe/011021b.html

This is probably a reference to al-Qubba checkpoint. See, Awwad, Elia “Broken Lives: Loss and Trauma in Palestinian-Israeli Relations,” International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, Volume 17, Issue 3, Spring 2003, Pages 405 – 414.

Probably a reference to 500mm bullets. This is unlikely, according to the Palestinian Human Rights Monitor (Feb. 2001): "Major misunderstandings and misinformation about type of weapons and bullet sizes exist among Palestinian organizations, doctors and health organizations, governmental institutions and Palestinian newspapers who repeatedly claim that Palestinians are hit – sometimes several places in the body – by 500 mm or 800 mm bullets. No such guns exits. PHRMG can assure that no Palestinian has been hit by a 500 mm or 800 mm 'bullet' during this intifada." "Overkill: Israeli Bombardment and Destruction of Palestinian Civilian Homes and Infrastructure" http://www.phrmg.org/monitor2001/feb2001.htm

Fatah ("Al-Fatah") Arabic for “conquest”, Fatah is a reverse acronym for the “Palestine Liberation Movement” (Harakat al-Tahrir al-Watani al-Filistani). Fatah is the largest Palestinian political party in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and the dominant faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Founded in Kuwait in the late 1950s by Yasser Arafat to fight for the establishment of a secular democratic Palestinian national state on all of the territory of British Mandatory Palestine. It began paramilitary and political operations in 1964, and assumed the leadership of the PLO in 1968. The organization’s tactics of “armed struggle” especially in the 1970s and 80s, included bombings, assassinations and hijackings in the Middle East, including Israel, and international locations. After Yasser Arafat’s signing of the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles in 1993, many Fatah leaders moved from Tunisia to the West Bank and Gaza Strip to serve in the political establishment and security forces of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). During the years of the “Oslo peace process” (1993-2000), the party shifted away from militancy and became identified as the chief proponent of a negotiated, two-state solution. From the launching of the second intifada through to the death of Yasser Arafat (2000-2004), Fatah experienced a split between factions supporting a return to negotiations, and factions such as the “Tanzim” and “Al-Aqsa Martyr’s Brigades” which resumed armed struggle against Israel and claimed responsibility for attacks on Israeli soldiers and civilians. This division persists today. Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen), assumed leadership of Fatah and the PLO after the death of Yasser Arafat in 2004, and was elected President of the PNA in January 2005. See Parsons, Nigel. The Politics of the Palestinian Authority: From Oslo to al-Aqsa. New York & London: Routledge, 2005. See Bowley, Graham. “Al-Fatah.” The New York Times. 20 June 2007. 25 June 2007

Tel Aviv-Jaffa An Israeli city on the Mediterranean Sea, about 64 km west of Jerusalem. Est. population 350,000.

Palestinian Authority Palestinian National Authority (PNA). Also known as the Palestinian Authority (PA). The PA was created to serve as the governing body in charge of Palestinian self-rule in the Occupied Palestinian Territories as part of the Oslo process. While the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) signed on to the Oslo peace process in 1993, it has since seen its leadership absorbed into the PA, pursuant to the May 1994 Gaza-Jericho agreement and the September 1995 Interim Agreement. As leader of the PLO, Arafat became the PA Chairman in 1994. The Palestinian Authority is the first governing body of the Palestinian people by Palestinians. Its authority was significantly curtailed by the content of the agreements signed with Israel during the Oslo Process, giving it full jurisdiction over only a small proportion of the West Bank (see “Areas A, B and C” in glossary). It consists of a legislative Council and its President, including 24 ministries. Mahmoud Abbas was appointed President of the PA in April 2003, was replaced by Ahmed Qurei months later, and was elected in 2005. The PA has observer status in the United Nations. See Parsons, Nigel. The Politics of the Palestinian Authority. New York: Routledge, 2005 and Kimmerling, Baruch and Joel S. Migdal. The Palestinian People: a History. London: Harvard University Press, 2003. See online “Palestinian National Authority.” Permanent Observer Mission of Palestine to the United Nations. 11 September 2007 http://www.un.int/palestine/thepa.shtml

Normalization Refers to the process of creating ‘normal’ relations between the State of Israel and its Arab neighbors. Egypt was the first to normalize relations in 1979, with Jordan following in 1994. Normalization prior to the creation of a Palestinian state is viewed by many Palestinians and their supporters as a betrayal of the Palestinian struggle for self-determination. Egypt was expelled from the Arab league immediately after signing a peace treaty with Israel. The Arab Peace Initiative is the most comprehensive offer of normalization by the Arab world, under the condition of Palestinian statehood, although many parties on both sides view normalization with tremendous skepticism. See “Arab Peace Initiative” In glossary. Israeli and Palestinian groups or individuals willing to work with their counterparts toward a solution to the conflict, on an official or grass-roots level, are often accused of normalization. For a critical Palestinian perspective of normalization see Ibrahim, Nasser and Michael Warschawski. “The case against Palestinian normalization with Israel.” Alternative Information Center. 4 September 2007. 10 September 2007. For a critical Israeli perspective of normalization see Avineri, Shlomo. “The Arab Summit II: Normalization? Israel has seen it and it doesn’t work.” International Herald Tribune. 27 March 2002. 10 September 2007. For a stance supportive of joint Israeli-Palestinian work, see Isseroff, Ami. “A Strategy for Peace: Support Israel and Palestine.” MidEast Web. 29 June 2001. 10 September 2007.

Ibdaa (“creativity”) Cultural Center - “a grassroots initiative of Dheisheh Refugee Camp. Founded in 1994, Ibdaa serves over 1,200 children and young people annually through various programs and activities, while providing job opportunities to over 70 families in the camp.” http://www.dheisheh-ibdaa.net/

The amount of damage was probably not worth half-a-million dollars. According to the Palestine Report, “All in all, 14 computers and keyboards, computer tables and chairs were burnt beyond repair, strewn across the smoke-blackened floor. The culprit also set 40 children's books from the library ablaze.” Damage was set at $30,000. “Refugee web link burned by arson” Palestine Report 8/30/00 http://www.jmcc.org/media/report/2000/Aug/5b.htm; The motive and the culprits are not known publicly. According to a letter from “Then, last summer, the Ibdaa computer center apparently fell victim to its own reputation. Late one night, the entire center was burned to the ground by an unknown hand. Seventeen computers were lost. The Ibdaa committee noted that the router was stolen, containing all of Ibdaa's contacts and names. This suggested a political motivation, but the culprits have never been found.” “A LETTER TO KOFI ANNAN FROM THE CHILDREN OF IBDAA” On The Record Palestine, Volume 15, Issue 9, 7/19/01

Zionism The belief that the Jewish people should have a national homeland, and refuge from persecution, in Israel. Supporters of this idea are called Zionists. The Zionist Movement took shape in Europe in the late 1800s with the First Zionist Conference in Basel, Switzerland. The movement advocated the ideology of Zionism, a national liberation ideology of the Jewish people with several strands, foremost being the establishment of a Jewish state within the biblical Land of Israel (Eretz Yisrael or Zion). Zionism has many manifestations, from religious to secular, each defining a distinct view of which land should be settled, and how it should be done. See http://www.mideastweb.org/zionism.htm

War of 1967 Commonly referred to by Palestinians as the “June War” or “al-Naksa” and Israelis as the “1967 War” or “Six-Day War.” The war began in the early morning of June 5, 1967, when the Israeli air force preemptively attacked and destroyed most of the Egyptian Air Force while still on the ground, responding to Egyptian President Gamel Abdul Nasser’s closing of the Straits of Tiran to Israeli ships in 22 May 1967. Earlier in the month, Nasser had deployed Egyptian troops to the Sinai Peninsula and had asked for the removal of the UN troops there, who obliged and left. Prior to these steps by Nasser, false intelligence reports by the Soviet Union claimed that Israel was planning an attack on Syria for their sponsorship of Palestinian guerillas and was massing troops on its borders. It is still a matter of debate as to whether Nasser knew that the Soviet reports were false (and acted anyway) or believed they were true. Jordanian and Iraqi forces joined Syrian and Egyptian troops immediately after Israel’s June 5 air strike. The war lasted six days during which Israel captured the Egyptian Sinai peninsula, the Syrian Golan Heights, and the rest of pre-1948 Palestine, comprised of East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza Strip—then under respective Jordanian and Egyptian control, which have subsequently come to be known as the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Israel also captured Jordanian-controlled Jerusalem during the war. See Cleveland, William L. A History of the Modern Middle East. Boulder: Westview Press, 2000 and Herzog, Chaim. Arab-Israeli Wars. New York: Vintage Books, 2005. Haddad, William, Ghada Talhami and Janice Terry The June 1967 War After Three Decades Association of Arab-American University Graduates: 1999. See online: A country study: Israel. 8 November 2005. Library of Congress. June 14, 2007 http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/iltoc.html

Checkpoints Roadblocks or military installations used by security forces to control and restrict pedestrian movement and vehicle traffic. The Israeli army makes widespread use of checkpoints in the Occupied Palestinian Territories in order to control the movement of Palestinians between Palestinian cities and villages and between the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Israel. Checkpoints can be large and semi-permanent structures resembling simple basic border crossings (such as the Kalandia checkpoint between Ramallah and Jerusalem or the Hawara checkpoint between Nablus and Ramallah) or small, temporary barriers on roadways or outside towns or villages. The security forces at a checkpoint exercise total control over movement through the checkpoint. Depending upon the location of the checkpoint, soldiers may and often do check the identity papers of every vehicle passenger and/or pedestrian who wishes to pass through. At certain checkpoints, mostly those that delineate Areas A, B and C, soldiers refuse passage to all who have not obtained permits from the Israeli military’s Civil Administration in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Palestinians and Israeli observers cite frequent, if not routine, incidences of delay and harassment of Palestinian civilians at checkpoints, regardless of the status of their papers. There are currently checkpoints at the entry and exit points of every large Palestinian populated area in the West Bank, on every major road within the West Bank, and at every crossing point on the Green Line between Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, in addition to many smaller checkpoints within the West Bank. According to the Israeli Army, a checkpoint is a “security mechanism to prevent the passage of terrorists from PA territory into Israel while maintaining both Israeli and Palestinian daily routine,” used to “facilitate rapid passage of Palestinians while providing maximal security to Israeli citizens.” See also “closures” in the glossary. See Keshet, Yehudit Kirstein. CheckpointWatch: Testimonies from Occupied Palestine. London: Zed Books, 2006. For facts, figures, and maps on the web, see “Machsom Watch.” Women for Human Rights. 21 June 2007 and Smith, Chris. “Closure: The Daily Reality of Israel’s Occupation.” Middle East Report Online. 27 August 2001. 21 June 2007and “Restrictions on Movement.” B’Tselem. 21 June 2007

Separation Barrier Also termed the “wall, separation wall, security fence and Apartheid Wall”, and “annexation wall,” by some. A long structure of connected walls and fences that separates Israel from parts of the West Bank, and restricts the movement of Palestinians from the West Bank into Israel. It runs both along the Green Line and within the West Bank. Critics and proponents disagree over the intent behind the structure, its route, and its name. Begun in 2002 as an alleged reaction to the violence of the second intifada, its construction is still in progress. Israel claims security concerns necessitate its construction, and cite decreases in suicide bombings within Israel since its construction as proof that the structure is both effective and required. Opponents claim the structure is an attempt to annex occupied Palestinian territory and unilaterally define future borders. They also maintain that the route of the barrier steals privately owned land, and makes certain Palestinian villages and cities economically unviable. Israel has modified some of the routes in response to an Israeli High Court of Justice ruling as well as in response to international pressure, but the route is still disputed. The debate over its legality was flamed after the International Court of Justice (ICJ) issued an advisory opinion declaring it a breach of international law. See Kershner, Isabel. Barrier: The Seam of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. For online statistics and analysis see “Separation Barrier.” B’Tselem. 9 November 2007 http://www.btselem.org/English/Separation%5FBarrier/

Mr. Faraj might be referring to the 42% of the West Bank under Palestinian civil control. At one point, Ariel Sharon entertained the idea of giving the Palestinians 7% of Area C beyond that to form a state. “Sharon's "peace plan" would maintain Gaza settlements, but remove West Bank roadblocks.” Susser, Leslie Jerusalem Report 7/15/02 http://www.aijac.org.au/updates/Jul-02/170702.html. This might be a reference to “Sharon’s ‘Peace Plan’ to the Palestinians in 2000, as well as the ‘Road Map’ of 2002,” in which “the Palestinians were offered 42 percent of 80 percent of” the West Bank. Syed, Lia “Palestinian right to self-determination” Al-Jazeerah online 12/15/03 http://www.aljazeerah.info/

Abbas, Mahmoud (1935-) PNA President, also known as Abu Mazen. He has been a leading figure in the Fatah movement (aside from a brief resignation from the Central Committee in 2003) and the PLO since the 1960’s. He has been involved throughout his career in negotiations between Palestinians and the Israeli government, most notably as the leading Palestinian negotiator of the Oslo Accords and as the signatory of the Declaration of Principles in September 1993 on behalf of the PLO. The PLO executive committee appointed Abbas as Chairman of the PLO on November 11, 2004, and in January 2005, he was elected President of the Palestinian Authority (PA) with 62.7 percent of the popular vote. He maintained that position in the short-lived unity government formed in 2007 as part of the Mecca Agreement. For a brief biography see http://www.passia.org and Fischbach, Michael R. “Abbas, Mahmud.” Philip Mattar, ed. Encyclopedia of the Palestinians. New York: Facts on File, 2005.

This may be more appropriately connected to Abu Ala (or Alaa; one-time Palestinian Prime Minister, Ahmad Qureia), “Israeli television showed trucks transporting cement from a factory originally owned by Palestinian Prime Minister Ahmad Qureia to the Israeli settlement of Ma'ale Adumim, east of occupied Jerusalem. Qureia reportedly had transferred ownership of the plant to other members of his family.” El Fassed, Arjan “Cement and Corruption” Electronic intifada 6/11/04http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article2813.shtml

Arafat, Yasser (1929-2004) Founder of Al-Fatah (1958). Regarded as a symbol of Palestinian resistance to Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, Yasser Arafat served as Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization from 1969 to 2004. He oversaw political and guerrilla activities of the PLO first from Jordan, then Lebanon, and later Tunis. In 1996, he became the first Elected President of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) (also called the Palestinian Authority), a position he held until his death. While initially opposed to the existence of the Israeli state, Arafat altered his stance in the late 1980s and 1990s. In a speech at the United Nations General Assembly in December of 1988, Yasser Arafat stated his willingness to accept Palestinian statehood based on UN Resolution 242 -- a resolution that recognizes the rights of all states to sovereignty. Many viewed this as the beginning of the PLO’s recognition of the right of the State of Israel to exist. This followed an era of militant tactics his party employed against Israel throughout the 1970s and 1980s. He launched the Oslo process with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1993, for which he received a Nobel Peace Prize in 1994 along with Rabin and Shimon Peres. In January 1996, Yasser Arafat was elected the first president of the Palestinian Council governing the West Bank and Gaza Strip. He became increasingly marginalized by the United States and Israel after the second intifada (2000-present), and was isolated completely from diplomatic relations in 2003. Arafat died on November 11, 2004 in Percy military hospital in Paris. See “Arafat, Yasir.” Philip Mattar, ed. Encyclopedia of the Palestinians. New York: Facts on File, 2005. See online Yasser Arafat: 1929-2004. PBS. 21 June 2007

Could not be confirmed nor denied.

Possibly a reference to the village of Azzun, which “is located two kilometers to the east of the Green Line and is about 11 kilometers away from Qalqilia's southeastern side.” http://www.poica.org/casestudies/Azzoun%2013-5-04/index-1.htm. It is less likely to refer to Israel's “Kfar 'Atzion Detention Camp.”

As of October, 2003, "Arafat’s popularity increase[d] from 35% last June to 50%.... This is his highest level of support in five years."

Tawjihi High school graduation exams.

Gaza Strip Geographical territory located on the Mediterranean Coast and bordering the Egyptian Sinai Peninsula and Israel, with a total land mass of 360 sq km. Population: 1,482,405. The Palestinian populated territory was under Israeli administrative and military occupation from 1967 to 1994, when an agreement pursuant to the Declaration of Principles (DOP) gave the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) limited self-government for an interim five-year period, although Israel retained responsibility for external and internal security and for public order of settlements. Until August 2005, approximately 8000 Israeli settlers lived in the Strip. Negotiations aimed at determining final status of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza commenced in 1999, but failed to accomplish their objectives by the second intifada in September 2000. Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s plan to withdraw all permanent military and security structures and dismantle all settlements within the Gaza Strip and return the territory to PNA control was completed in September 2005, although Israel maintains control over air space, and land and sea borders and continues to launch military operations within Gaza. See “Gaza Strip.” CIA. 14 June 2007. The World Factbook. 19 June 2007

Shahid Commonly translated into English as “martyr,” shahid literally means “one who witnesses” in Arabic. In the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the word “shahid” or “martyr” is used to refer to Palestinians or supporters of the Palestinian cause who have been killed, died, or killed themselves in the conflict. It may thus refer to such individuals as: a suicide bomber, a Palestinian fighter or a Palestinian civilian killed by an Israeli in the context of the conflict. The term is often erroneously assumed to be used by Palestinians or others in the Arab world to refer exclusively to suicide bombers.

The Bereaved Families Forum Seminar was held at the Seven Arches Hotel in Jerusalem.

Travel Permits Israeli-issued travel permits are required primarily for Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza for travel into Israel, and at times throughout East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza. Israelis seeking to travel to Area A regions (land under full civilian and security control of the Palestinian Authority) as delineated by the Oslo Accords, must also receive permits. The policy of obligatory travel permits is part of a more comprehensive restriction of movement imposed on Palestinians from the Occupied Palestinian Territories by the State of Israel. The Israeli government maintains that the measures are necessary for Israel’s security. See “Restrictions on Movement.” B’Tselem. 10 November 2007 http://www.btselem.org/English/Freedom_of_Movement/Index.asp

Road 60 A bypass road (Israel-only) that goes through mostly Palestinians districts, such as Hebron and Bethlehem. Shah, Samira The By-Pass Road Network in the West Bank: An Analysis of the Effects of the Network on the Palestinian Territories. al-Haq 1997,

Ras Abu Ammar Ras Abu Ammar. (Also called “Shaykh Abu 'Ammar”) A town in the Jerusalem District that was destroyed after Israel occupied it in 1948. http://www.palestineremembered.com/Jerusalem/Ras-Abu-'Ammar/

This is not technically correct. One might point to many examples of coexistence movements by Arabs and Jews that predate 1990.

Molotov cocktails Home-made weapon consisting of a bottle filled with petrol, plugged with a rag as a wick, ignited, and thrown as a grenade. Resistance groups during World War II named them after the Soviet foreign minister Molotov. http://www.tiscali.co.uk/reference/encyclopaedia/hutchinson/m0004884.html

As of July, 2002, it had about 5.3 million citizens. http://www.nationbynation.com/Jordan/Population.html See also, "Jordan (Hashemite Kingdom of)" A Dictionary of Contemporary World History. Jan Palmowski. Oxford University Press, 2003. Oxford Reference Online. Oxford University Press. CDL UC Berkeley. 19 December 2004

Islamic Jihad A Palestinian militant group founded in 1979-80 by Palestinian students in Egypt who had split from the Palestinian Muslim Brotherhood in the Gaza Strip. The founders were ideologically influenced and inspired by the Islamic revolution in Iran as well as the radicalization of Egyptian Islamic student organizations. They have perpetrated numerous terrorist attacks primarily in Israel. See “Group Profile: Palestinian Islamic Jihad.” 1 July 2007. MIPT Terrorism Knowledge Base. 29 August 2007 http://www.tkb.org/Group.jsp?groupID=82

HAMAS (Arabic for “zeal” and an acronym for “Harakat al-Muqawamah al-Islamiyya” or “Islamic Resistance Movement”). Inspired ideologically and organizationally by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and founded in 1987 at the beginning of the first intifada, HAMAS’ long-term and declared aim is the destruction of the State of Israel in order to establish an Islamic state in all of the land of British mandatory Palestine. It is the largest Palestinian militant Islamist group. It uses political, social and militant means to further its goals, and claims responsibility for militant operations, including the use of suicide bombings that have killed hundreds of Israeli soldiers and civilians. The European Union and Israeli and American governments consider HAMAS to be a terrorist organization. Its followers view HAMAS as a legitimate force fighting against Israel’s occupation over Palestinian territories. HAMAS also provides charitable social and educational services, primarily in Gaza. It runs candidates in municipal elections and closed elections for university councils, trade union groups and nongovernmental organizations. The Israeli military has assassinated many of its political and military leaders in the last few years, including the spiritual leader and founder Sheikh Ahmad Isma’il Yassin and political/military leader Abdel Aziz Rantisi. HAMAS’ success in recent Palestinian local elections (January 2005), and its dramatic rise to power in parliamentary elections in January 2006 has led some to speculate that the group is transforming from a primarily militant organization seeking an Islamic state over all of the land of British mandated Palestine to a political party focused on political control in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Fatah refused to accept the results of the 2006 elections, causing tensions between the two groups. In July 2007, HAMAS wrested control over all of the Gaza Strip from its main rival, Fatah. Soon after, PA President Mahmoud Abbas dismantled the newly formed unity government that included members of both Fatah and HAMAS, effectively ending HAMAS’ official role in the Palestinian Authority government. See Chehab, Zaki. Inside Hamas: The Untold Story of the Militant Islamic Movement. New York: Avalon, 2007 and Hroub, Khaled. Hamas: A Beginner’s Guide. London: Pluto Press, 2006. See online “Backgrounder: Hamas.” 2007. Council on Foreign Relations. 29 August 2007 http://www.cfr.org/publication/8968/#6

Settlement A settlement is a Jewish community usually existing outside the internationally accepted boundaries of the State of Israel. Those ideologically in support of them do not call them “settlements.” The settler movement began following the war of 1967, when Israel occupied the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza, the Golan Heights in Syria, and the Sinai in Egypt. Settlements are most controversial when they are built within the Occupied Palestinian Territories of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza, which some Israelis refer to as Judea and Samaria or as “disputed territories,”—often on land confiscated from Palestinians. Proponents of the settler movement say that settlement on these lands is a divine right, mandated by religious texts, and part of the Zionist imperative to settle Eretz Yisrael or The Land of Israel (see Zionism). Less ideological proponents regard it as a security necessity for Israel. Opponents argue that such settlements are illegal under international law, that they annex Palestinian-owned land, and preclude the final status of disputed borders between Israel and a future Palestinian state. By and large, settlements receive government funding, as well as military and infrastructural support. The course of the separation barrier frequently juts into the West Bank in order to protect Jewish settlements within this territory. In 2005, the Likud government initiated the withdrawal of 8000 Israeli settlements from Gaza and from a handful of settlements in the West Bank. Approximately 135 settlements remain in the West Bank (including East Jerusalem), with a population of 419,000 in 2005. See Gorenberg, Gershon. The Accidental Empire: Israel and the Birth of the Settlements 1967-1977. New York: Henry Holt, 2006. Masalha, Nur Imperial Israel And The Palestinians: The Politics of Expansion (Pluto Press: 2000). See online “Land Expropriation and Settlements.” B’Tselem. 9 November 2007 http://www.btselem.org/English/Settlements/

Technically speaking, settlements themselves do not comprise 50% of the Bethlehem districts. However, closed military zones, or sections of the West Bank Israel closes for Military use, do. See, http://www.arij.org/paleye/bethlehem/

Labor Party Mifleget Avodah in Hebrew. One of two major political parties in Israel that tends toward the center-left of the political spectrum, it emerged from the labor Zionist movement in the 1930s. Its leaders include many of the principal founders of the State of Israel, including the first Israeli Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion. Founded on socialist and Zionist principles, it dominated the Israeli government until 1977. Labor became the leading Israeli political party favoring territorial compromise for peace, and was the party that first officially recognized the PLO when Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres signed the Declaration of Principles and launched the Oslo Peace Process with Yasser Arafat in 1993. See online “Israel Labor Party.” Knesset. 7 September 2007. http://www.knesset.gov.il/faction/eng/FactionPage_eng.asp?PG=0

Likud Party Hebrew for “union”. One of two traditional political parties in Israel, founded in 1973. Likud tends toward the conservative, center-right of the political spectrum. The Likud grew out of the “Revisionist” movement of Ze’ev Jabotinsky as the main right-wing opposition to the dominant Labor Zionist Movement and Labor Party. Its early leaders, such as Yitzhak Shamir and Menachem Begin, had roots in the Stern Gang and Irgun—two organizations that employed militant tactics against the British and occasionally Arab inhabitants during the time of the British Mandate. Likud was ideologically committed to establishing Jewish sovereignty over all of British Mandatory Palestine and, until recently, ideologically opposed to any territorial compromise with the Palestinians (“Land for Peace”). Its first electoral victory came in 1977. Likud Prime Minister Menachem Begin, during the first Likud mandate, signed a peace treaty with Egypt, which involved Israeli military and civilian withdrawal from the Sinai Peninsula following the “Land for Peace” model. Begin subsequently launched the War of 1982, with Ariel Sharon serving as Minister of Defense. In 1991 Likud Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir headed the Israeli negotiation team at the Madrid Conference, spearheading Arab-Israeli direct negotiations. More recent Likud leaders, such as Benjamin Netanyahu, have led neo-liberalist economic measures. Dispute over Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip in August 2005 led Likud Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to leave the party and establish the Kadima (Hebrew, “forward”) party, which rivaled the Likud and won in the 2006 elections. See online “Likud.” Knesset. 7 September 2007. http://www.knesset.gov.il/faction/eng/FactionPage_eng.asp?PG=13

Right of Return International law enshrines the right of a person to leave and return to his or her country. Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that: “Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each State. Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.” Within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the Right of Return has two controversial connotations: For the descendants of the 700,000-800,000 Palestinians who became refugees during the period of the creation of the State of Israel, as well as for the Palestinian refugees from the war in 1967, the Right of Return refers to their right to return to their pre-1948 and/or pre-1967 homes and lands and—should they freely choose not to return home—to receive compensation. UN General Assembly Resolution 194 affirms this right but is yet to be implemented. By contrast, under the Israeli Law of Return, the right of return refers to the right of Jews worldwide as well as their descendants, to receive Israeli citizenship and to live as full citizens in the land of Israel. The Law of Return was meant to facilitate the ingathering of Jews worldwide and to fulfill the Zionist aim of creating a refuge in the State of Israel for Jews fleeing persecution and anti-Semitism. For documents relating to the right of return for Palestinian refugees see “Israel, Palestine and the Occupied Territories…” Global Policy Forum. 19 October 2007 http://www.globalpolicy.org/security/issues/israel-palestine/returnindex.htm. For a text of Israeli Law of Return and its amendments see “Law of Return: 5710-1950” Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 19 October 2007 http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/MFAArchive/1950_1959/Law+of+Return+5710-1950.htm

Efrat The largest settlement in geographic size, but not population, in the West Bank, comprising a total land area of 3,125 acres, and an estimated population of 7,000.

Jordan has two million Palestinian refugees in 13 camps. Gavlak, Dale “Jordan's camps for Palestinians” BBC 6/7/04 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/3784611.stm UNRWA had 1.7 million registered refugees as of June, 2003. See, http://www.un.org/unrwa/publications/statis-01.html.

As of 2000, there were 3.8 million Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza; 7.76 million Palestinians throughout the world. http://www.palestinecenter.org/cpap/stats/dist_people_2000.html

Between January 1st and March 19th, 2004, Palestinians bombed two buses. In 2003, one bus was bombed. This is according to a list of "major attacks," see: http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Terrorism/TerrorAttacks.html

It is difficult to assess the numbers: In August 2004, when the border was not hermetically sealed (which has not been the case since Rosh Hashanah) approximately 15,000 workers from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip were permitted to work in Israel. Estimates regarding the permit-less aliens, all of them from the West Bank, range from 15,000 to 30,000." Hass, Amira "Down in the dumps" Haaretz 11/29/04 http://www.haaretz.com/hasen